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God demonstrates his own love for us in this: While we were still sinners, Christ died for us.

- Romans 5:8

de la Montagne sources

Dr. Johannes de la Montagne immigrated to the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam in the 1600s and later served as the colony's vice director.
For further information, see the Society of the Descendants of Johannes de la Montagne, which has a Web site at

"Records of the Reformed Dutch Church in New Amsterdam/New York – Marriages Marriage Book of the Register of the Persons who are herein recorded, and who were married here or outside the city of New York from the 11th Dec. 1639," published in "The New York Genealogical and Biographical Record," available at
+ Aug. 28, 1647: "Johannes de La montagne, Wedr Van Rachel Defour, en Agnietie Jilles, Wede Van Arendt Corszens Stam." Johannes de la Montagne, widower of Rachel Defour [De Forest], and Agnietie Jilles, widow of Arendt Corszens Stam.

"Collections of the New York Genealogical and Biographical Society, Vol. II, Baptisms from 1639 to 1730 in the Reformed Dutch Church, New York," by Thomas G. Evans, 1901, reprinted by The Gregg Press in 1968.
+ Jan de la Montagne, son Willem, baptized April 22, 1641. Sponsors were de Hr. Willem Kief, Command.; Do. Everardus Bogardus; Marritje Thymes; Cataline Strafele. Page 12.

"Baptisms at the Reformed Dutch Church of New Amsterdam (1639-1730)," entered by Theodore Brassard ,available at:
+ Willem, son of Jan de la Montagne, baptized April 22, 1641. Witnesses were de Hr. Willem Kief, Command.; Do. Everadus Bogardus, Marritje Thymans, Cataline Strafele.
+ Johan de La Montagne, son Gillis baptized Sept. 18, 1650. Witnesses were Olof Stephenszen Van Courtlt., Grietie ten Waert.
+ Jan de La Montagne and Agneta ten Waert, son Jesse baptized April 6, 1653. Witness was Sara du Trieux.
+ Madam de la Montagne was a witness at the baptism of Jessen, son of Isacq de Foreest on Nov. 9, 1642. Other witnesses were Jochem Pieterszen, Philip du Trieux, Sara Roelofs.
+ Jean de la Montagne was a witness at the baptism of Susanna, daughter of Isaac de Foreest and Sara du Trieux, on Jan. 22, 1645. Other witnesses were Mr. Jan de Minuiet, Susanna de Trieux.
+ Jean de La Montagne was a witness at the baptism of Lodowyck, son of Gysbert Opdyck on June 10, 1646. Other witnesses were Michiel Ter Oycken-fiscael, Richard Smit, Margariet Kalder.
+ Jan de La Montagne and Agnietie Jillis were witnesses at the baptism of Barbara, daughter of David Provoost, on Aug. 15, 1647.
+ Jean de La Montagnie was a witness at the baptism of Balthazar Lazarus, son of De Hr. Petrus Stuyvesant-Gouvneur generael, on Oct. 13, 1647. Other witnesses were Lubbert Dinclagen, Capt. Luyt. Nuton and his wife, Paulus Leendertszen-Equipagiemr., Corn. Van Tienhoven-secretrs., Commissr. Keyser, Anneken Bogardus.
+ Johannes de La Montagne was a witness at the baptism of Samuel, son of David Provoost, on Nov. 22, 1648. The other witness was Marritie Snyers.
+ Agnietie Montague was a witness at the baptism of Marie and Michiel, twins of Isaac de Foreest, on Jan. 10, 1649. Other witnesses were Hendrick Van Dyck-fiscael, Adriaen Janszen Van Lipendam, Geertie Abrahams.
+ Jan de La Montagne was witness at the baptism of Philip, son of Isaac de Foreest, on July 28, 1652. Other witnesses were Jan Peeck, Susanna du Trieux.
+ Jacob Kip and Maria Montagnie, son Johannes baptized Feb. 21, 1655. Witnesses were Johannes de La Montagne and Hendrick and Tryntie Kip.
+ Jacob Kip-Secrets. and Maria de La Montagne, son Jacobus baptized Oct. 15, 1656. Witnesses were Isaac Kip, Johannes de La Montagne, Agnietie Jillis and Sara du Trieux.
+ Jan de La Montagne and Maria Vernelje, son Abraham baptized March 16, 1664. Witnesses were Willem de La Montagne, Gerrit Van Tricht, Jacomina Jacobs.
+ Jacob Kip and Maria de Lamontagne, daughter Maryken baptized Dec. 5, 1666. Witnesses were Willem de Lamontagne, Jacques Couseau, Tryntie Kip.

"Van Rensselaer Bowier Manuscripts," translated and edited by A.J.F. van Laer, University of the State of New York, Albany, 1908.
+ From the introduction, concerning the ship Rensselaerswyck: "The cargo was discharged and Hendrik de Forest, the trader and mate,* remained in the hired warehouse to carry on trade, while the ship went up the river to the colony on the 26th and dropped anchor on the 7th of April opposite Fort Orange." [Footnote: "According to the Journal, he died on July 26 and was buried the following day at the Manhattans, where the ship then was. Geertruy Bornstra, his widow, claimed his property from his sister Rachel, then living at the Manhattans, who had married dr. Lamontagne. Acccording to his own declaration, made before Notary Coren, before his departure in 1636, he had been selected by the patrons in 1631 to fill the place of Gilles Houset in Zwanendal, but on account of the sad circumstances at said place the patrons gave up this plan."] Page 75.
+ Sept. 25, 1636-April 7, 1637, Log of the ship Rensselaerswyck on its voyage from Amsterdam to New Netherland. Following are some of the more interesting entries: [355] "Journal for ijan tiepks Schellinger … In the year of Our Lord 1636, the 25th of September, the boat called Rinselaers Wijck sailed in God’s name from amsterdam to tessel, at about two o’clock in the afternoon. God preserve Rinselaers Wick!
[September] "Th. 25 Sailed from Amsterdam and anchored before duickerdam with a south wind and heavy weather. …
[October] "Wed. 8 "The wind easterly followed by calm. Here lay some French traders, some Straits trader and two faernebocks* traders, poor fleets, and the Straits trader intended to go to Ireland; we arranged to sail together as far as pleijmuijen* and so put to sea in God’s name, about four o’clock in the afternoon, about 22 vessels strong, without convoy. … [Footnotes: faernebocks – "Pernambuco." Pleijmuijen – "Plymouth." This entry was made at Tessel.]
[356] "Sat. 11 In the morning the wind as before with rough weather. We saw the island of oeranaij*; it lay S. by E. about six leagues from us. There the Ireland traders left the fleet. She had 20 guns and as she was going toward the sorlings* and had promised us if convenient to convoy us around the sorlings or past them, we followed her and proceeded westward, as that was the most convenient course for continuing our voyage. We left the fleet and about noon we saw a sail come form the coast and as we were but two we prepared as well as we could for action. When we were ready we waited for her with furled sails and when she was nearly within [357] range of our guns she turned away before the wind. It was a large flute with a poop. There was another ship behind us which we could barely see. She waited for it but when it came near she let it pass. What kind of ships they were we do not know. goutstaert* lay about west from us and we continued our course. …[Footnotes: oeranaij – "Alderney (French, Auregny." Sorlings – "Scilly Islands." goutstaert – "Start Pont, Devonshire."]
"Tu. 14 … In the morning we were near a Frenchman, whom we chased while following our course. It was a ship that came form the bank of terucef.* In the afternoon another one passed us to windward without speaking. We then se out course toward the W.S.W. with a stiff topsail breeze. … [Footnote: "Terre Neuve; that is Newfoundland."]
[358] "Mon. 20 … Fitful rough weather and toward evening we had sailed eight leagues W.S.W. with very rough weather from the N.N.W.; during the evening it became quite calm, with lasted till daylight; then the wind changed to the south. Done.
"Tu. 21 In the morning the wind changed to the W. and it blew so hard that the topsails had to be taken in . The wind veered to the N.W. We had then sailed about three leagues to the N.W. and about nine o’clock it blew so hard that we had to take in all our sails and could not carry a single sail. An hour later there blew a violent gale from the N.W. and we then drifted east with a very rough sea. The waves rose to such an awful hight that the waves and the sky seemed one. The wind turned again to the W. and so it lasted the entire night. Don as far as the night is concerned.
"Wed. 22 In the morning it still blew so hard that we could not carry any sails, but the sea was calmer. The wind came from the S.W. and during the night to in the second watch it grew less; we set our mainsail but toward dawn it had to be taken in again on account of the strong wind, thunder and lightning. It blew hard, the wind as above, we drifted east. Done till morning.
"Th. 23 The wind about W. and we drifted east with rough weather. We drifted from about nine o’clock on the 21st to noon of the 23rd, by reckoning 23 leagues N.E. by E. No latitude had been taken from the past three days up to noon.
"Fr. 24 Drifted east by north 10 leauges. The wind about W.N.W. with severe storm and during the past day drifted without said. …
[The Rensselaerswyck drifted amid "rough weather," occasionally being able to set a sail for a brief while.]
[359] "Tu. 28 A gale still blew from the west and we still drifted S.E. by E. Drifted by reckoning 12 leagues. That night the beak of our ship was knocked to pieces. The day gone.
[360 – November] "Sun. 2 Drifted 16 leagues N.E. by E.; the wind about west, the latitude by dead reckoning 41 degrees, 50 min. with very high seas. That day the overhang above our rudder was knocked in by severe storm. This day a child was born on the ship, and named and baptized in England stoerm*; the mother is annetie baernts. The day gone. … [Footnote: "Storm Albertsz (van der Zee), son of Albert Andriesz Bradt and Annetie Barents van Rolmers."]
"Th. 6 In the morning the wind and weather were as above. Seeing little hope of getting better wind and weather soon – though God knows – having lain to already 17 days because of severe gales and having few provision for 52 or 53 souls, the number on board to keep dry, we could opposed it no longer, in the first place, on account of the sick people whose number increased daily because of their hardships and , in the second place, because we feared that it might last a long time yet. As we had already [361] passed Caep finnestaer,* to wit, to the north of it, in great peril and were drifting into the bay, I knew nothing better to do than to hold a council with the supercargo, the mate and other advisers, to decide what had best be done in the matter. We concluded in the said council to put the helm hard up and to steer in God’s name toward the Channel and try to et into faelmuiden* or pleijmuiden,* which was done and at noon we found the latitude to be 43 deg. 9 min., wind and weather as above. With two courses we proceeded toward the N.N.E. The day gone. [Footnotes: Caep finnestaer – " Cape Finisterre, Spain." Faelmuiden – "Falmouth, England." Pleijmuiden – "Plymouth, England."]
[After the ship turned toward England, the weather moderated a bit but still blew very hard on some days.]
[362] "Th. 13, near the sorlings In the morning the wind was south with very rough weather, we did not yet see land. We set our mainsail with great difficulty but took in our foresail and then sailed E.S.E. During the night in the second watch we saw land south of us. It was very bad weather; we could not see for the rain, thunder and lightning. We ran before the wind and according to our reckoning it must be the sorlins, as we later found it to be; we then sailed N.W. with one lower sail. Toward daybreak the weather became a little better and in the day watch we turned toward the land to reconnoiter. The wind changed to S.S.E. Till morning. [Footnote: "Scilly Islands."]
"Fr. 14 near the 7 steen In the morning the wind was as above so that we could not make the land we had seen during the night. We noticed however the seewen steen* which indicated sufficiently where we were. They were to starboard about a league off. The wind began to get stronger again. We looked for a good roadstead and thought it advisable to run behind Caep Coernwal so as to get into the small by or haven which is there. When we got around the cape the wind changed to the east and N.E. and north and finally to the N.W. with terribly rough weather so that we [363] could carry half a mainsail. We got aground near the cape and at twilight our foresail blew away, for we were obliged to carry all the sail we could and our main shet broke and we let ourselves be driven to the north with one sail, but in the second watch the mainsail had to be taken in too, for it was no longer possible to carry any sail, as one thing or another would break and we were driven E.N.E. Till morning. [Footnote: "Seven Stones; a group of rocks 18 miles W. by S. from Land’s End."]
"Sat. 15, by longeij* In the morning the land lay close under our lee and we drifted toward it. We concluded to set our foresail and, as we could not keep away from the shores, to run in near the land during the day, thinking that we might make a port there called bedeshaeuen* or else straton.* When we came near the shore we were too far down. We were driven by the strong current so that with our foresail only we were carried along the shore trying to find some place where the ship and people would be safe. As it became late In the day, we decided that we could do no better than to run to an anchorage or land which we saw and which according to the description of the book must be a harbor, and concluded, if possible to run in , or else to beach the ship, on account of the strong current and the severe W.N.W. storm and the fact that we were in a bay. Commending ourselves to God, we ran toward it with reefed foresail and when we came close to the shore, as the weather seemed to calm down and clear up a little, for it had been very dark before, we saw Londeij and hastily turned so as to sail on the wind, tacked and carried all the sail we could. We again raised our main topmast, which had not been up in eight or ten days, and set both the topsails. It seemed as it we would capsize or all our sails blow away. We headed for a point above the cape called haertlanpuint* and during the night we came with God’s [364] help to anchor under the lee of londeij, in 20 fathoms, with a N.W.N. wind. Till morning. [Footnotes: londeij – "Lundy Island; 10½ miles N.W. by N. from Hartland Point." Bedeshaeuen – "Padstow Haven; this and most of the places that follow are points in Cornwall and Devonshire on or near the Bristol Channel." Straton – "Stratton." Haertlanpuint – "Hartland Point."]
"Sun. 16 in ijlle facom In the morning the wind was as above. We weighed anchor and set sail for a harbor called ijlle vacom,* about four leagues from the island. On our way we saw a ship without mast drift by, and coming near the harbor a pilot came on board and brought us in. … [Footnote: "Ilfracombe; the distance from Lundy Island is about 23 miles."]
"Mon. 17 The wind as above with rain and strong wind storm so that we could not do anything to repair the ship but only supply the people with some fresh provisions. Some families went on land."
[The Rensselaerswick remained in port until Jan. 9, 1637. There are only a few interesting notations in the log.]
[December] "Mon. 8 The winds as above; in the evening when some of our passengers had gone on land to sit and drink in the tavern, where we were sitting with an English merchant to sell our goods, there were two there, of whom one struck to the ground the other, named Cornelis toemesz smit*; the offender was his helper hans* and *** [Footnotes: Cornelis toemesz smit – "Cornelis Thomasz, the smith." Hans – "Hans van Sevenhuysen." *** – "Sentence not finished in the original."]
"Tu. 9 It was a day of prayer here for the whole neighborhood on account of the severe sickness which God is sending them. The wounded man died this morning and was buried in the afternoon.
"Wed. 10 As above, and we began to get our hold ready. …
"Wed. 17 As above; and as matters relating to the accident had not yet been cleared up, they took the rudder from our ship and brought it on land, on account of the crime. …
[366] "Mon. 22 The body was dug up again and the wound viewed by the criminal and the coroner or schout.
"Tu. 23 They carried the offender away in the name of the king and let us fetch our rudder from land again and go free.
"Wed. 24 A severe storm blew form the W.S.W. …
"Wed. 31 End of the year 1636. By God’s mercy in ijlle fakom. …
[January] "Th. 1 As above. In God’s name in the New Year. …
"Fr. 9 At three o’cock before daybreak we set sail in God’s name and in the morning we were at the N.W. point of Londeij. The wind S.E. with steady weather. We sailed then W.S.W. by W. …
[The Rensselaerswick sailed on, occasionally encountering rough weather or a storm.]
[368] "Th. 22 … the wind about north with steady breeze and clear weather. This day we made two more gun carriages and mounted a gun, so that we now had four on deck. We could for the present not put any more on deck. The day gone. …
"Sat. 24 In the morning we saw a sail to starboard under our lee. The wind was N.E. and we sailed south. He made sail toward us. We kept our course and cleared away the chests and cows so that we obtained a clear deck, which took us till shortly after noon. When we were ready we waited for him with furled sails and when he came near us we hailed him. He answered that he came from roosel* and was looking for good booty. We said that we were also looking for a good prize. He remained near us for almost an hour and then headed for the west when each of us fired a salute. He had four iron and two metal cannon on board. This morning we saw poerte sante* which lay S.W. from us. We had fine weather and at noon our latitude was 33-16 and in the evening we got near the west side of poerte sante and ran then S.W. by S. till the second watch, with a gentle breeze. We then took in the foresail and waited for the day. The day gone. [Footnote: roosel – "La Rochelle." Poerte sante – Porto Santo, an island of the Madeira group."]
[369] "Sun. 25 In the morning about an hour after sunrise we were between poerte sante and madeere.* About two o’clock in the afternoon we got a steady breeze from the W.S.W. and ran south and in the evening the S.W. point of madeere lay 12 leagues N.N.W. from us. Our latitude by dead reckoning was then 31 deg. 40 min. From there we sailed W.S.W. with rough weather and lower sails. The wind about north with high seas. This night about three o’clock a child* was born; the father is montanij* and the mother raegel.* The day gone. … [Footnotes: madeere – "Madeira." Child – "Marie. See Riker, Harlem; its origin and early annals, p. 140." Montanij – "Johannes La Montagne." Raegel – "Rachel."]
"Fr. 30 … the wint about north, mostly stiff topsail gale. About two o’clock in the night a boy* was born; the name of the mother is Caetelin. The day gone. … [Footnote: boy – "Hendrick Cornelis Maesen, son of Cornelis Maesen, and Catelijntie Martens."]
[370 – February] "Th. 5 … gentle topsail breeze, wind north. This night a flying fish flew on board our ship. The day gone. …
"Wed. 11 … N. with stiff topsail gale. This noon we changed our course and then sailed N.W. by W. The wind was before with lower sails and in the afternoon there was a severe storm with thunder, lightning and rain so that we took in all our sails, but toward the end of the second watch it became somewhat better. We set both our lowers sails, the foretopsail and mizzensail and then sailed about N.W. The wind N.N.E. The day gone. …
[372] "Tu. 24 … Rough weather. … We had dark weather with much rain. About noon there was a waterspout behind our ship which drew the water like smoke to such a terrible hight that we were afraid of it; we took in all our sails but it was soon over and passed behind us at close range without hurting us. The day gone.
"Web. 25 … Stiff breeze, we had during the day much change of wind and terrible thunder, lightning and rain. Toward evening there was a gentle breeze and after supper we cast the lead and found at 50 fathoms small black stones and also small red ones, some as large as shot, together with grayish sand, at this latitude and longitude about 10 miles form land. We went then N.N.W. the wind N.E. with a gentle breeze and when the first watch was over the sounded again and struck sand at 18 fathoms. Course and wind as before. At four bells in the second watch we found sand at 12 fathoms, the depth having become steadily less up to this point. Course and wind as above. We then took in our topsail and turned to the S.E. the wind being E.N.E. We sailed for four glasses [two hours] or till we had 17 fathoms; then we turned and sailed north and set our topsails to a gentle breeze.
[373] "Th. 26 … The wind fitful with calms. … We did not know where we were for it was foggy weather. We supposed that there might be a bank, as the southern colonies of the English were quite near and as we had had in the afternoon the above course, leagues, latitude, longitude and variation. We were about three miles from land and found 14 fathoms of water, with foggy weather, so that we could not tell much about the land. At about three o’clock in the afternoon smits Island* lay about three leagues W.N.W. from us. Seen from there the island looks as follows: the upper part is hard to recognize, the north point is indented, and it seems as if a small flat island lay at the south point. [Footnote: "Smith Island; east of Cape Charles, the northeastern end of the island is about 75° 49’ W. and 37° 11’ N."]
"Sat. 28 … During the past night we had a steady breeze from the S.W. with rain, thunder and lightning. We were about N.N.E. of Caep hinlooep.* [Footnote: "Cape Hentlopen."]
"Sat. 17 … During the night we had showers, as if we were near land. By reckoning we were six leagues from land. We found 22 fathoms of water and ran closer to northward. We sounded often and found sometimes 22, but also 20, 18, 17, 15 and then again 22 fathoms and we saw many whales. We then sailed mostly N.W. The whole night long with calms and that night we saw many fires burning. [I do not know why this item is dated the 17th when it appears to be a continuation of the entry from Feb. 28.]
[374 – March ] "Sun. 1 In the morning we were about two leagues from land and in 16 fathoms, S.W. from the north point of the baernde gat,* bloemerts puint* being north of us. We saw many whales, some 10 or 20 swimming for at last two hours about our ship; we supposed that they were taking their course from the south to the north. At about six o’clock in the evening at sunset we came to anchor behind godius puint* in five fathoms, good anchorage. God be praised for his mercy. [Footnotes: baernde gat – "Barnegat Inlet." bloemerts puint – "Blommaert’s Point; Norton’s Point, at the west end of Coney Island was called Blommaert’s Point and is referred to as such in the present log, under date of Aug. 8th, p. 383. At the time of the present entry the ship was so far south of Norton’s Point that it could not have been visible and it is possible that some point on the New Jersey coast had the same name." godius puint – "Godyn’s Point; now Sandy Hook."]
"Mon. 2 In the morning the wind was N.W. with rough weather so that we could not make the hoefden.* Our boat landed at godius puint for the purpose of shooting geese and stayed over night there. It was bitterly cold. [Footnote: "The headlands at either side of the Narrows; called also Hamelshoofden."]
"Tu. 3 At noon the weather was somewhat better as far as the wind was concerned thought it was N.W. and very cold. Our boat returned and we could not do anything else.
"Wed. 4 The wind as above with a gentle breeze. We weighed our anchor and arrived at four o’clock in the afternoon at the manatans, where we found and English vessel. God be praised for our safe voyage thus far. As we learned here that the river was still closed up above we remained here. …
"Sat. 7 We began to clear our hold and brought our empty water casks on land.
"Sun. 8 Two of the children born on our ship were baptized here. The wind N.W. …
[375] "Sat. 21 I brought most of the merchandise on land into a house and left the mate* in charge, with orders to sell it. With the consent of the director, we got ready to sail up the river with the ship. [Footnote: "Hendrick de Forest."]
"Sun. 22 The widow of Cornelis smits* was married here at the manatans to aerent steffeniers. … [Footnote: "Cornelis Thomasz, the smith; cf. entry of Dec. 8, 1636."]
"Th. 26 We sailed up the river in the ship with calm weather and in the evening came to anchor near sapachenikan.* [Footnote: "Sapokanican, or Sappokanican, later Greewich village and now that part of New York City between 14th and Houston sts. On the Hudson River."]
"Fr. 27 In the morning we set sail again with calm weather and very light northerly breeze and at about nine o’clock at night we anchored on account of the darkness. We had sailed about eight leagues.
"Sat. 28 In the morning we set sail and came to the hoege lant.* The tide went out and the wind was contrary so that we anchored there about four o’clock in the afternoon. [Footnote: "The Highlands."]
[378] "Sun. 29 In the morning dirck Coersen came down in the yacht and boarded our ship again; the yacht sailed on with a north wind.
"Mon. 30 The wind as above with rough weather.
"Tu. 31 In the morning the wind was about S.W. with fair weather. We got under sail and came to the esoepes.* In the evening the wind changed to the north and blew hard. [Footnote: "Now Kingston."]
[April] "Wed. 1 As above.
"Th. 2 In the morning the wind turned ot the south and we set sail and came to anchor about a mile above Catskil. The wind was then about east.
"Fr. 3 In the morning the wind was about south with a drizzling rain. We set sail and in the evening came to anchor about half a mile before beren Island,* on account of calms and contrary wind. [Footnote: "Barren Island."]
"Sat. 4 As above.
"Sun. 5 As above.
"Mon. 6 In the evening the wind changed to the south. We set sail but were becalmed. Getting a fair breeze during the night we sailed on.
"Tu. 7 About three o’clock in the morning we came to anchor before foert oeranien.* the end of our voyage upward. [Footnote: "Fort Orange."]
+ April 28, 1638, Inventory of goods consigned to Jacob Albertsz Planck by the ship het Wapen van Noorwegen: "Loaded in the ship called het waepen van noorweegen, for the colony of Rensselaerswyck, these following goods, consigned to Jacob albertsz planck, or whoever may fill his place in his absence, marked as in the margin and numbered as follows, sailing as supercargo on said ship; may God watch over the same and bring it to its place of destination. … a copper pot and a long gun for Jan la Montangie." Page 400.
+Feb. 5, 1641, letter from Kiliaen van Rensselaer to Toussaint Muyssart, at Leyden: "I am sorry that the survey of the land in our colony by lamontangne was not completed. I forgot to write about it and therefore Cornelis Teunessen, whom I appointed as the representative of the patroon and the participants, objected to it and I can not blame him either that he did not allow this without order from his patroon, for it might have serious consequences, as one participant might give different orders from another. … It would have been better if you had given me a recommendation to la montangne to help me in this matter provided I paid him for it and that it had requested and authorized him to carry it into effect." Page 536.
+ July 12, 1658, Agreement of the council of Rensselaerswyck to pay tithes to the West India Company: "Whereas Mr. Iohan La Montagne, accompanied by Abraham staets and francois Boon, did on the 10th instant serve on me, Ian Baptist van Rensselaer, director of the colony of Rensselaerswyck, the order issued by the directors of the West India Company concerning the collection of tithes in the colony aforesaid accompanied by a letter from the director general and council of New Netherland in the which order issued by the directors it was firmly resolved to proceed to attachment, whereupon I requested a copy of the aforesaid resolution and replied to their honors that I must first communicate it to and take action upon it with our council; and whereas it came to pass on the 12th instant that Mr. La Montagne, having been called to our meeting and requested to suspend the aforesaid order as we could not find that according to the Freedoms of the colony owed any tithes to the Company, in reply said that he could not do otherwise than follow his instruction and therefore offered to come to an agreement with us about the tithes but that in case of refusal he would proceed with the public farming thereof; therefore, we, considering ourselves in the highest degree aggrieved on account of the injury to and infringement upon our jurisdiction, have under due and serous protest agreed, as we hereby do agree under protest, to pay on the first of July 1659, as tithes on the present year’s crop, 300 schepels of wheat, or the value thereof if in good payment, but before the aforesaid date the patroon and the codirectors come to an agreement with the West India Company in the fatherland either by process of law or by way of amicable settlement, the present agreement should be of no effect and the stipulated tithes for this year 1658 should be reimbursed. …
"This compromise in the terms above written has been agreed upon between the Hon. Mr Rensselaer, director of the colony of Rensselaerswyck, and myself, as commis of Fort Orange, which I certify. Was signed: La Montagne, Commis at Fort Orange. Agrees with the original, which I certify. [signed] D:V: Hamel, Secretary." Pages 781-782.

"New York Historical Manuscripts: Dutch; Vol. IV, Council Minutes 1638-1649," translated by Arnold J.F. Van Laer, edited by Kenneth Scott and Kenn Stryker-Rodda, Genealogical Publishing Co. Inc., Baltimore, Md., 1974.
[In addition to the following cases, Johannes de la Montagne’s name appears frequently in connection with his routine duties as a colonial official. I have not included most of these references.]
+ April 8, 1638: "The Honorable Director Kieft and Council [having considered the small number] of councilors, having deemed it necessary to [choose an] experienced person. To strengthen their number [and] in consideration of the ability of Doctor Johannes [la Montagnie], the said Montagnie has therefore been appointed by us a political councilor of New Netherland at fl. 35 a [month], commencing on the date hereof." [Brackets are in source.] Page 1.
+ Aug. 26, 1638: "Claes Cornelissen S[wits], plaintiff, vs. Montang[ne, defendant]. The plaintiff complains that the defendant beat [plaintiff’s] wife. The defendant, having admitted the same, is condemned to compound with the fiscal." [Brackets are in source.] Page 22.
+ Aug. 26, 1638: " Johannes La Montagnie, plaintiff, vs. Claes Cornelisen, defendant, for slander. Case put over to the next court day." Page 23.
+ Sept. 2, 1638: "Johannes La Montaenje, plaintiff, vs. Claes Cornelissen, defendant, for assault. Is condemned to pay fl. 6 to the poor and to satisfy the fiscal." Page 23.
+ Sept. 16, 1638: "Everardus Bogardus, defendant, vs. Johannes La Montaegnne, plaintiff. Whereas the defendant has a power of attorney from Geertrujt Bornstra, widow of the late Hendrick de Foreet, plaintiff’s brother-in-law, to demand the goods and effects of [24] the said Foreest, the plaintiff requests that the defendant take possession of the house together with the cattle and appurtenances of the plantation, provided the defendant pay the plaintiff the balance of the amount due him by de Foreest, according to the account thereof. Parties are ordered to submit their complaint and answer in writing on the next court day." Pages 23-24.
+ Sept. 30, 1638: "Johannes la Montaengne, plaintiff, vs. Everardus Bogardus, defendant, for the delivery of the property belonging to Hendrick de Foreest, deceased, or his heirs. Having seen the demand of the plaintiff and the answer of the defendant, it is ordered that the property aforesaid shall publicly be sold to the highest bidder on the 7th of October, being Thursday, at Fort Amsterdam, for the benefit of the widow, and the defendant, in virtue of his power of attorney from the widow of the late de Foreest, is condemned to repay to La Montaegnie such moneys as he has advanced for the benefit of the farm." Page 25.
+ Oct. 14, 1638: "Tobias Tonisen and Willem Fredricksen, plaintiffs, vs. Johan La Montaenje, defendant. The plaintiffs ask to be released from their contract of service, maintaining that they are not bound to serve the defendant, as they were hired by his uncle and not by the defendant. The defendant produces the contracts made between the plaintiffs and Geraert de Foreest from which it appears clearly that the plaintiffs are bound to serve the said de Foreest or [30] his agents for three consecutive years after their arrival here in New Netherland; furthermore, the defendant shows a power of attorney and authorization from the aforesaid de Foreest to employ the plaintiffs in his serve at the expiration of their term of service. All of this having been duly considered, the plaintiffs are condemned to serve out their bounded time without any gainsay with La Montaenje, who also promises at the expiration of their bounded time to tender and pay them here in New Netherland the wages which shall then be due to them." Page 27-28.
+ Oct. 14, 1638: "Johannes La Montaenje, plaintiff, vs. Tobias Tonissen, defendant, for slander. The plaintiff demands proof that the ration meat was dried at his house and sent away without the defendant having eaten or had his share thereof as well as the plaintiff. The defendant declares under oath before the court that what he has spoken in regard to La Montaenje is untrue, namely, that he had dried and carried away the meat without giving his servants any of it to eat, acknowledging that he had his share of the meat as well as the plaintiff." Page 28.
+ June 6, 1641: "Whereas the English on the Fresh river of New Netherland commit great depredation and violence against our people there and are not satisfied with usurping and cultivating the lands which were bought and paid for taken possession of by our people, but in addition come at night and sow with grain the land which our people plow, haul away to their houses the grass which our people mow, come with clubs and mattocks and barbarously treat our people when they are plowing, dig out our fine looking peas and plaint Indian corn instead, forcibly take away our horses, cows and hogs and let some of them die of hunger, cut the traces of our plow to pieces and throw the latter into the river, and surround our house with palisades so that one can scarcely get out of it on the land side;
"Therefore, all of this having been considered by us and whereas the same is tending to the injury and contempt of our supreme government and the honorable West India Company, whose jurisdiction and authority we are charged to maintain, we have resolved to send thither Dr. Johannes la Montagne, councilor of New Netherland, with 50 soldiers and some sloops, in order to fortify our house De Hoop* and to prevent the repetion of such hostilities as the English has wickedly committed against our people and to maintain our soil and jurisdiction." [Footnote: "Fort Hope, at Hartford, Conn." Also, "repetion" appears in the source. Perhaps it should be "repetition."] Page 111.
+ Dec. 5, 1641: "Before us, the director and council, appeared Dirck Corsen Stam, who declared that he did not state in Holland that Mr. La Montangne daily went around with his pockets full of ducatoons and Jacobuses." Page 130.
+ Dec. 5, 1641: "Johannes La Montangne, plaintiff, vs. Jan Meris,* defendant. Plaintiff says that the defendant built the tobacco house which he had engaged him to build so poorly that it blew over, as it stood with its posts loose on the ground. He therefore demands payment for the tobacco which was spoiled in the said house and, furthermore, that the defendant raise the house again at his expense. It is ordered that two carpenters, one Dutch and one English carpenter, shall inspect the house and render a decision according to their conscience whether in their opinion the house was well or poorly built. Mr. La Montangne chooses Gillis Pietersz and Jan Meris engages Jan Haes, both carpenters, to inspect the work." [Footnote: "John Morris."] Page 130.
+ March 28, 1643: "Whereas Maryn Adriaensen, a resident of this place and formerly one of the freebooters and sailors of Compaan,* … in the afternoon of the 21st of March 1643, [190] under the pretext that some member of the community had called him ‘murderer’ and had reproached him for being the cause of the damages now committed by the Indians in the country, because he with some others had signed the petition praying that they might be permitted once to avenge the Christian blood which was so treacherously shed by the Indians and of which it was said that the director now disavowed the responsibility and shifted all on the signers of the petition, which however, was not true, left his house in a rage, armed with a sword and a loaded and cocked pistol, and came to the house of the director and went to his bedroom. Pointing his pistol at the director to shoot him, he said: ‘What devilish lies are you telling of me?’ Monsr. La Montagne, being at the time with the director, caught the pan with such quickness that the cock snapped on his finger, preventing thus through God’s mercy this atrocious design. Meanwhile, the fiscal and several others having come into the chamber, they disarmed Maryn, and Jan Harmensen from Lemmet, each armed with a musket and pistol, came to the fort, where the director was walking up and down. He was informed of their coming and retreated to his house, which he had barely entered when Jacob Slangh fired at him, God having in his mercy saved the director a second time within an hour and a half and preserved the community from a cruel massacre." [Footnote: "Claes Gerritsen Compaen, a notorious freebooter."] Pages 189-190.
+ July 14, 1644: The fiscal filed smuggling charges against Laurens Cornelisz, skipper of the Maecht van Enckhuysen, who had "sold some pitch, trainoil and lace without having entered the same." However, the court noted that the goods were "not worth more than fl. 300; also, that a skipper can not go on a voyage without taking something with him" and decided that Cornelisz’s deeds didn’t constitute smuggling. Cornelisz was ordered to pay a fine of one anker of wine "for the benefit of the fiscal and his friends; wherewith he is discharged and the fiscal’s complaint about the smuggling is dismissed." A final note on the case states: "Absent: the honorable director and Mr. La Montagne, as being objected to." Page 227.
+ July 21, 1644: "Mr. Crol, Captain Willem Cornelisen Oldemarckt and Captain de Fries, having looked over the examined the recusation presented by Laurens Cornelisz can to the best of their knowledge not find that any exception can be taken against eh director and Councilor La Montangne in matters pertaining to the interests of the Company and the criminal case of the fiscal." Page 229.
+ July 28, 1644: "The council (the honorable director exempted), to wit, Bastiaen Crol, Johannes La Montangne, Willem Cornelisz Oldemarckt and Captain Jan de Fries, having carefully weighed and with due deliberation examined the evidence as to the slander uttered by Laurens Cornelisz to the detriment of the honorable Director Willem Kieft, do find that inasmuch as Laurens Cornelissen persists in his statement that he received a box of pearls from the honorable director, but can not prove the same here, it is proper according to the law that he, Laurens Cornelissen, shall in [231] court beg forgiveness of God, the court and the aforesaid director, and acknowledge that he has spoken falsely; or, in case of refusal, he shall be banished from this country until he prove at Amsterdam that he brought over pearls for the honorable director. Having proved the same there, this sentence shall be annulled. Laurens Cornelissen still persists in his statement and appeals from the sentence to Amsterdam, protesting against loss and damage. The sentence shall remain intact, notwithstanding the appeal. The above named council having seen the foregoing sentence provisionally pronounced by associates invited for the purpose in the matter of smuggling committed by Laurens Cornelisz, skipper of the Maecht van Enckhuysen; Therefore, we order absolutely that the good which are in the hands of the fiscal shall remain confiscated and that the defendant in addition shall pay a fine of fl. 20 in cash." Pages 230-231. [During this time, Cornelisz was also facing charges of committing adultery with Hillegont Joris. He took an oath stating he was innocent and the charges were dismissed.]
+ Aug. 30, 1645: "Articles of peace concluded in the presence of the Mohawks between the Dutch and the River Indians. … [280] We promise that all that is above written shall be strictly observed throughout New Netherland. Thus done in the fort, under the blue canopy of heaven, in the presence of the council of New Netherland and the entire community called together for the purpose, in the presence of the Maquas ambassadors, who were requested to assist as mediators in this peace negotiation, and of Cornelis Antonisen, their interpreter and co-mediator in this matter. Dated as above. The original was signed with the mark of Sisiadego, the mark of Claes Noorman, the mark of Oratamin, the mark of Auronge, the mark of Sesekenins, the mark of Willem Tappaen, Willem Kieft, La Montangne, the mark of Jacob Stoffelsen, Jan Onderhil, Francis Douthey, Go: Bacxter, Ritchert Smith, Gysbert Opdyc; the mark of Aepjen, sachen of the Mahikans, Jan Eversz Bout, Oloff Stevensz, Cornelio vander Hoyken; the mark of Cornelis Tonisz. Below was written: Acknowledged before me, and was signed, Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary." Pages 279-280.
+ Aug. 2, 1646: The fiscal filed suit against Johan de Fries, the former captain, complaining that he "cultivated the friendship and society of some dangerous persons, enemies of the Company’s welfare and of this country and defamers of their authorities … furthermore, that he is leading a scandalous life, highly dangerous in this [332] infant republic; that he has also with unbearable arrogance called the director a liar in the presence of the entire council, taking hold of his Polish casse-tete with the intention of striking him, had he not been prevented; and that a few days later, meeting Councilor La Montangne, he called him many vile names, for which he was finally cashiered, being expressly forbidden to give offense to any one on pain of forfeiture of all his wages." After losing his job as captain, de Fries continued to insult the authorities. The council ordered that he "depart in the first ship, direct to Holland." Pages 331-333.

"New York Historical Manuscripts: Dutch; Volume I, Register of the Provincial Secretary, 1638-1642," translated and annotated by Arnold J.F. Van Laer, edited by Kenneth Scott and Kenn Stryker-Rodda, 1974.
+ July 10, 1638, agreement about the cultivation of a tobacco plantation on Manhattan Island*: "Conditions and terms agreed upon between Andries Hudde and Hans Hansen Noorman,* on the 9th of July Ao. 1638, as follows: First, the aforesaid Andries Hudde shall by the first opportunity of ships send hither from Holland to Hans Hansen aforesaid six or eight persons with necessary implements for a tobacco plantation. [31] Hans Hansen shall be bound to place the aforesaid persons on the flat land* situated on the island of Manhates behind Corlaer’s land. Hudde shall be bound to pay the expenses of their transportation and of engaging them and shall send the vouchers of expenses over with them. … [32] Thus done in Fort Amsterdam in New Netherland, this 10th of July Ao. 1638." [Footnotes: "Other translation in Doc. Rel. Col. Hist. N.Y., 14:11." Noorman – "Hans Hansen, from Bergen, in Norway." Land – "A tract of 100 morgens (200 acres), extending from the present 109th street to about 124th street, New York City, for which Andries Hudde obtained a patent on July 20, 1638. The tract was originally known as ‘Muscoota’, and had been granted by the council of New Netherland to Hendrick de Forest during his first visit to New Netherland in 1632, subject to the approval of the directors of the West India Company. De Forest applied on Sept. 11, 1636, to the Amsterdam chamber for a confirmation of the grand and the following month sailed for the second time to New Netherland as mate of the ship Rensselaerswyck, apparently without having received the confirmation. On his arrival at Manhattan, in March 1637, De Forest made arrangements to have the land cleared and a house built, but he died on July 26, 1637, leaving the plantation in charge of his brother-in-law, Johannes La Montagne. La Montagne remained in charge till June 22, 1638, and in September of that year brought suit against Domine Bogardus, who had a power of attorney from the widow of Hendrick de Forest to look after the property, for the recover of certain moneys expended at the plantation. In the course of the proceedings, the court ordered that the plantation should be sold at auction for the benefit of the widow and that from the proceeds La Montagne should be paid his claim. The auction was held on October 7th and La Montagne became the purchaser of the property for 1800 guilders. Meanwhile, Andries Hudde, probably with the consent of Domine Bogardus, had secured a patent for the plantation and gone to Holland, where early in 1639, at Amsterdam, he married Geertruyt Bornstra, the widow of Hendrick de Forest. He returned with her to New Amsterdam in July 1639, and the next year entered with La Montagne into an agreement regarding their respective claims, La Montagne being left in possession of the property, which he had named ‘Vredendael’. See Land Patents, GG:21; N.Y. Col. Mss., 1:216-17; 4:19, 20; Van Rensselaer Bowier Mss., p. 197; James Riker, Revised History of Harlem, pp. 128-31; Mrs. Robert W. de Forest, A Walloon Family in America, 1:81-108; and a manuscript volume at the Rijksarchief, The Hague, entitled "Resolutien [van de Kamer van Amsterdam], No. 6, 1635-36, fol. 177 vo."] Pages 30-32.
+ July 23, 1638, disbursements by Johannes La Montagne for maintenance of the plantation of the late Hendrick de Forest: "Specifications of what Johannes la Montaenje has paid and disbursed to divers persons on account of debts and for the maintaining of the house and plantation of the late Hendrick de Foreest, deceased on the 26th July Ao. 1637 … [81] First, for board of Montaenje at the house of Jacob van Curler, as appears by the bill rendered to Bogardus fl. 98- … [82] Below was written: The 23d of July Ao. 1638. Examined and accepted this. Signed: Everhardus Bogarde, Eccl. Manatas. …" Pages 78-82.
+ Probably soon after July 23, 1638, public sale of the house and effects of the late Hendrick de Forest: "Conditions and terms on which Everhardus Bogardus has sold in Fort Amsterdam to the highest bidder, for the account of the widow and heirs of Hendrick de Foreest, deceased, what follows: First, the purchaser shall be bound to tender and pay the proceeds of the hereinafter mentioned property within the period of 12 months, commencing on the date hereof, and that in three instalments: the fist, cash down; the second in six months; and the third and past payment as above stated. The house is 42 feet long, 18 feet wide, with 2 doors, * enclosed with round palisades. [83] Two milch cows; 1 heifer 2 years old; 1 bull of 1 year; half a bull calf of this year; 2 old goats; half a little male kids of his year; half a kid of this year; 6 hens and 2 cocks, with about 20 chickens; 4 funs, good and bad; 1 kettle; 1 churn; 4 axes, good and bad; 6 hoes, 2 siths, 2 scythes, 2 iron forks; one fourth of 600 tobacco plants and 1 tobacco house; the half of the grain of one morgen of land; one boat. Johannes la Montaenje remains the purchaser for fl. 1800." [Footnotes: "Judging from the general style of Dutch farmhouses of the period and from O’Callaghan’s translations of other specifications of houses, there is no doubt that the word which is here translated as ‘doors’ was uytlaeten, literally, outlets, which in this connection refers, not to exits, but to the aisles, or extensions, running the full length of the house, between the posts which support the roof and the outer wells. These aisles, which are divided into bins or stalls, are used for the storage of grain and for stabling purposes, the width of 18 feet, which is mentioned in the text, being that of the center floor space, between the posts."] Pages 82-83.
+ Jan. 24, 1639, lease from Cornelis van Tienhoven to Claes Cornelissen Swits and Jan Claessen Alteras of the farm previously occupied by Jacob van Curler: "This day, date underwritten, in the presence of the undersigned witnesses, Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary of New Netherland, of the one part, and Claes Cornelisen Swits and Jan Claes Alteras, of the other part, have in amity and friendship agreed and contracted about the hire of the farm heretofore occupied by Jacob van Curler, situated opposite Johannes la Montagne’s farm called Vredendael, on the terms and conditions heretoafter written. … Done on the island of Manhatans, this 24th of January 1638.*" [Footnote: "Intended for 1639."] Pages 93-96.
+ March 22, 1639, deposition concerning the buildings erected in different places in New Netherland during Director van Twiler’s administration*: "This day, the 22d of March XVIc. XXXIX, before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary in New Netherland on behalf of the General Chartered West India Company, in presence of the undersigned witnesses, appeared Gillis Pietersen van der Gouw, ages about 27, at present master carpenter on the island Manhatans … knows what buildings, etc., have been erected for the service of the Company during Mr. van Twiller’s time on the island Manhatans, at Fort Orange, Fort Nassau situated at the south, and Port Hope situated to the north on the Fresh River, to wit: … [109] On the island outside the fort … On Corlaer’s farm much work was also done. On that of La Montaengne, the same." Pages 108-110.
+ 1639, probably soon after May 12, deed from Jacobus van Curler to Cornelis van Tienhoven of a farm on Manhattan Island: "Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary in New Netherland, of the first part, and Jacobus van Curler, commissary of cargoes, of the second part, have in amity and friendship agreed about the purchase of the farm and the appurtenances thereof heretofore occupied by the above named Mr. Curler, situated on the island of Manhates opposite the farm of Johannes la Montaengne, on the conditions and terms hereinafter written. …" Pages 146-147.
+ May 31, 1639, promissory note of Johannes la Montagne to the deacons of New Netherland: "I, the undersigned, Johannes la Montagne, acknowledge in the presence of the subscribing witnesses that I am well and truly indebted to the deaconry in New Netherland in the sum of fifty Carolus guilders, which sum aforesaid I received on the first of November Ao. 1638 from the hands aforesaid to my content and satisfaction. I promise honestly to tender and pay the said sum with the interest thereon at 5 per cent per annum, commencing the 22d of November Ao. 1639, and that free of costs and charges, the first penny with the last, without any gainsay, for which I, the undersigned, bind my person and property, movable and immovable, nothing excepted, submitting to all courts, judges and justices, all in good faith. Without fraud or deceit, this is subscribed by me, the undersigned, in the presence of the witnesses, in Fort Amsterdam this 31st of May 1639.*" [Footnote: "Not signed."] Page 170.
+ July 18, 1639, receipt of Andries Hudde for part payment of the amount due by Johannes la Montagne to the estate of Hendrick de Forest: "Before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary of New Netherland, appeared Andries Hudden, who voluntarily and deliberately acknowledged that before the execution hereof he received from the hands of Johannes La Montagne the sum of two hundred Carolus guilders, in part payment of the balance of the amount due by said La Montaenge for the payment above mentioned. Thus done, this 18th of July 1639. A. Hudde." Page 193.
+ March 5, 1640, receipt of Tobias Tonissen and Willem Fredericksen for payment in full by Johannes la Montagne for their services on the farm called Vredendael: "We, the undersigned, Tobias Tonissen and Willem Fredericksen, hereby acknowledge that we have been satisfied, paid, well treated and used by Mr. La Montaengie during our three years’ service on the farm called Vredendael and we therefore discharge the above named La Montagne and his heirs from all claims and demands which we may have to this date. In witnesse and token of the truth, this is signed by us this 5th of March Ao. 1640, in Fort Amsterdam. This is the X mark of Tobias Tonissen, above named" Page 266.
+ Aug. 28, 1640, quitclaim from Andries Hudde to Johannes la Montagne of his interest in the farm Vredendael left by the late Hendrick de Forest: "This day, date underwritten, before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, appointed resident secretary in New Netherland for the General Chartered West India Company, personally appeared Monsieur Johannes la Montaengne and Mr. Andries Hudde as husband and guardian of Gertrude Bornstra, widow of the late Hendric de Forest, deceased, who both acknowledge that on the 12th of July Ao. 1640 they amicably agreed and arranged regarding the farm, goods and chattels purchased [by la Montagne], lying on [297] the island of Manhates and known by the name of Vredendael, which were left by the late Hendric de Foreest, and the right, title and interest in and to the same which Hudde in the capacity aforesaid may in any wise claim, wherefore they, the parties, request that a record be made thereof, releasing and acquitting each other from all further claims and demands which they might make to the farm, goods and chattels aforesaid in any manner, whether to the whole or to a part thereof; we, La Montaengne and Andries Hudde promise that no kind of after claim regarding the said property shall be presented either by ourselves or any of our heirs or assigns. All in good faith, without any exception whatsoever. Done the 28th of August 1640, in New Netherland. La Montagne A. Hudde J. van Curler, witness Ulrch Lupoltt, witness Acknowledged before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, Secretary" Page 296-297.
+ Aug. 11, 1640, receipt of Johannes la Montagne for one sixth part of the personal estate of the late Hendrick de Forest: "The day, date underwritten, before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, appointed secretary in New Netherland for the General Chartered West India Company, appeared Johannes la Montagne, political councilor here, who in the presence of the undersigned witnesses acknowledges that he has received and been fully satisfied and paid by Mr. Andries Hudde, husband and guardian of Gertrude Bornstra, widow of the late Hendric de Foreest, the just sixth part of the goods and chattels inventoried or caused [298] to be inventoried by Gertrude Bornstra, which inventory amounts to nine hundred and eighty-four guilders net, over and above all debts and charges, the sixth part received by said La Montaengne amounting to the sum of one hundred and sixty-four Carolus guilders, reckoned at twenty stivers Holland currency, out of which aforesaid moneys, or sixth part, the above named Mr. la Montaengne promises to satisfy and pay Johannes and Isaac de Foreest such competent portion as belongs to them on account of the aforesaid goods and chattels, promising further to leave the above named Hudde and his heirs and successors henceforth and forever unmolested as regards the matter aforesaid and releasing him, Hudde, hereby from all further claims and demands, either of himself, his heirs, or successors. For which he binds all his property, movable and immovable, present and future, nothing excepted, under submission to all courts, judges and justices, without any objection or gainsay. In testimony and witness of the real truth this is signed by the principal and the subscribing witnesses. Done in Fort Amsterdam, this 11th of 8ber Ao. 1640, in Fort Amsterdam in New Netherland. La Montagne J. van Curler, witness Ulrh. Lupoltt, witness Acknowledged before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, Secretary" Pages 297-298.

"New York Historical Manuscripts: Dutch; Volume II, Register of the Provincial Secretary, 1642-1647," translated and annotated by Arnold J.F. Van Laer, edited by Kenneth Scott and Kenn Stryker-Rodda, 1974.
+ June 21, 1642, settlement of Annetje Jans upon her minor children by Roeloff Janssen, her first husband: "… Annitjen Jans, formerly widow of the late Rouloff Jansen from Masterland, and at present wife of Everardus Bogardus, minister here, with the Hon. Willem Kieft, director general of New netherland, and Mr. Johannes La Montangne, her chosen guardians herein, who declared that in the month of March Ao. 1638, before she, Annitjen Jans, had entered into the marriage state with her present above named husband, she had agreed with the guardians of the surviving legitimate children which the aforesaid Rouloff Jansen had in his lifetime procreated by her respecting their share of their deceased father’s estate, which aforesaid contract was drawn up and written by the late Secretary Hudden, and is at present not to be found in the old books, papers or registers. … she has caused this instrument to be drawn up as a supplement to the foregoing contract …" [43] Anna Jans to pay 200 Carolus guilders each to her daughters Sara, age 16; Trijntjen, 13; Sijtjen, 11; and Annitjen, 6; and son Jan, 9. La Montagne was a witness. Pages 42-44.
+ September 1642, agreement of Willem [ ] to serve Mr. La Montagne: "Willem [ has bound himself out for] the term of [ years, commencing on the] date [hereof], and this [on condition that he agrees] to serve Mr. la Montagne [as a servant] and [to perform all such work as] a good servant ought to perform, [for which Mr. la Montagne] shall every three m[onths or whenever the] servant needs it pay him his [wages], either in beavers or in money. [Done this ] of September Ao. 1642, in New [Netherland]. This [is the] X [mark of *] La Montagne Acknowledge before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, Secretary" [Footnote: "Name of servant not given."] Page 79.
+ June 14, 1643, lease from Johannes la Montagne to Bout Francen of the farm Vredendael: "This day, date underwritten, before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary of New Netherland, appeared Mr. La Montangne councilor of New Netherland, of the first part, and Bout Francen from Naerden, of the second part, who acknowledge that they have amicably agreed and contracted together about the hire of the farm called Vredendael.* situated on the island of Manhattan, on the conditions and terms hereinafter written:
"Mr. La Montangne leases the above mentioned farm to Bout Fransen above named, who also acknowledges that he has rented the said farm, for the term of three consecutive years commencing on the date hereof and ending the 14th of June Ao. 1646, with which farm Mr. La Montangne delivers all that is specified in [133] the inventory hereto annexed. In regard to the cattle mentioned in the [invent]ory, the lessee shall restore them to the lessor at the expiration of the lease in such number and condition as now received, and then the increase which shall be bred by God’s blessing from said cattle is to be divided half and half, it being well understood that the lessor shall first withdraw his number. The lessee shall during the aforesaid lease keep in proper repair the house, barrack and barn, together with everything that is delivered with the far, and surrender it again to the proprietor at the end of the term in the same condition as now received. The lessee shall also be bound during the lease to cultivate the land diligently and at the expiration of the term to deliver it back properly fenced, when thirteen morgens of it must be sowed as he now receives it, to wit, with rye, barley and peas. Bout Fransen shall likewise be bound to pay strict attention to the orchard, so that the trees belonging to the proprietor may not be destroyed by cattle or otherwise. Parties shall during the lease share in common the risk of the death of the cattle, and if any die, the loss must be made good form the increase, so that the capital stock may remain complete. The lessee shall annually pay for said farm and cattle as rent fifty schepels of rye, sixteen schepels of barley, and ten schepels of peas; for the cows shall be paid as rent [the fist year] twenty pounds of good butter for each cow; the second and third year twenty-five pounds of butter for each animal. For the performance and security of all that is above written Wessel Eversen offers himself as surety and principal, and specially for the sum of three hundred and fifty Carolus guilders advanced by Mr. La Montangne to the lessee, [134] which must be paid within one year from date, the same being for the wages of a servant man, board and security for the first year’s rent, the servant’s wages amounting to one hundred guilders. To which end the aforesaid Bout Francen and Wessel Eversen, each as principal, submit to all courts, tribunals and judges, placing under the control thereof their persons and properties, movable and immovable, present and future, without any exception. Thus done and contracted on the farm Vredendael and to that end signed in the record of the parties, the surety and the witnesses hereto invited, together with me, the secretary, the fourteenth day of June Ao. 1643, on the island of Manhattans, in New Netherland. La Montagne Bout Frans This is the X mark of Wessel Eversen, surety Cornelio vander Hoykens, fiscal, witness Cornelis Pieters, witness" [Footnote: "Literally: ‘Peace deal.’ The farm was situated at the north end of the present Central Park, New York City."] Pages 132-134.
+ inventory of Vredendael: "Inventory of the goods and effects delivered by Mr. La Montagne to Bout Francen for the behoof of the farm Vredendael.
"The farmhouse, barn, a barrack of four posts, cook house and hog pen
"1 boat with two oars
"1 wagon, nearly new
"1 foot plow with appurtenances, in working order
"1 ditto iron harrow
[135] "1 six year old stallion
"1 six year old mare
"1 stallion colt between one and two years old
"1 filly of ten weeks
"3 milch cows, square (3 Melck coyen viercant)
"1 heifer of 14 months
"1 yearling bull
"4 sows > from one to two
"1 boar > years old
"1 new mash tub containing one hogshead
"1 three-pronged fork
"1 two-pronged fork
"rope harness for two horses, in good condition
"1 fan
"1 peck measure bound with iron
"1 iron bound church
"2 milk tubs
"1 butter tub
"1 new tub holding one half hogshead
"1 water paid
"1 oak chest
"3 good scythes with snaths
"3 Flemish scythes, good and bad
"2 handles
"3 pickaxes, one of English make
"1 hand cross cut saw
[136] "4 / 1 iron wedges [Footnote: "/1 Cipher indistinct; in the margin is written four."]
"1 buttermilk tub
"1 half barrel with a brass faucet
"1 herring barrel
"4 ferrules for scythe blades
"4 ditto for Flemish scythes
"4 mattocks
"2 bill hooks
"2 new axes
"1 currycomb; 1 iron ladle to melt lead
"1 iron spade
"1 pewter tankard; 1 pewter mug
"1 large pewter basin
"1 ditto platter
"1 copper kettle
"1 grindstone
"1 wheelbarrow
"1 25-rung ladder
"2 millstone, dressed and grooved
"1 jackscrew for the hay barrack
"1 auger
"1 carpenter’s adze
"1 pruning knife
"1 hand saw
"1 trowel
"2 bits
[137] "2 iron ferrules for a wooden maul
"1 gun
"1 iron bolt, 1½ feet long
"All of which above mentioned [effects] I, Bout Francen, acknowledge having received from Mr. La Montagne, promising to deliver them back to the aforesaid La Montagne or his order in the same condition at the expiration of our contract, or in default thereof, the value thereof or other articles of the same quality. Bout Frans Cornelis Piters, witness
"Mr. La Montagne discharges and releases Bout Francen from the aforesaid contract and his brother-in-law* from his obligation as surety. Said Bout Francen has delivered the farm back to Mr. Montagne the 27th of September 1643. La Montagne Acknowledged before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, Secretary" [Footnote: "Wessel Eversen."] Pages 134-137.
+ Nov. 3, 1643, declaration of Jan de Visser regarding his release from the service of Johannes La Montagne and entrance into the service of the Company: "I, J[an de Visser, declare that after I had] served Mr. La Montagne [a little more] than two years, I requested the said La Montagne in a friendly manner to be allowed to leave his service in order to enter that of the Company, in which service I have continued to this day. Done the 3d of November Ao. 1643. This is the X mark of Jan de Visser, made by himself Willem de Key, witness" Page 175.
+ Jan. 5, 1644, protest by director and council against the fiscal for neglect of duty*: "We Willem Ki[eft, d]irecto[r general, and the council of] New Netherland, to you Cornelis [van de]r Hoykens, fiscal and schout of New Netherland:
"Whereas many complaints are heard daily of thefts, robberies, shooting of hogs and goats and other depredations, and the same are increasing every day, yes, from all appearances will shortly lead to public plundering and highway robbery, so that it is even to be feared that people will murder one another, and all this because no delinquents are arrested, prosecuted or punished; [whereas] also divers ordinance have from time to time been published here to prevent such scandals as much as possible, but no effort is made to put the laws into execution and therefore all disorders have full swing; [whereas] furthermore judgment has been rendered and orders have been issued to receive the Company duties and these also have remained unexecuted; and [whereas] divers people have died or been killed by the Indians, of whose estates no proper inventory or settlement has been made; and whereas these are all matters that concern your office and no one is at fault but yourself, since the commonalty generally complain* that they are put off with words and that nothing further is done and you furthermore throw the blame on the director for not giving you men to assist you;
[188] "Therefore you are hereby commanded to attend in ever way to the duties of your office according to you bounden duty, in order that justice may not wholly fall into contempt; and in order that you may not present the excuse that you are not supported by enough me, we assure you (as heretofore has been repeatedly done) that the director and council and all the soldiers are at you service to uphold you; furthermore that you deputy sheriff and the provost with all the Negroes are at your command; and if you remain in default, we protest against all damages, mischiefs, losses and injuries which may result therefrom, intending to remain innocent thereof and to make such provision in the matter as we shall deem proper.*
"The fiscal gives for answer that he has from time to time done his best and performed his duty to the best of his ability. This day, 5 January 1644.
"The director and council reply that the general complaint shows the reverse and they protest as hereinbefore written. Thus done in the presence …"* [Footnotes: "O’Callaghan’s translation is printed in Doc. Rel. Col. Hist. N.Y., 14:52-53." Complain – "At this point the following words are canceled: ‘that if they prefer any complaints to you in the evening, you are intoxicated, and in the morning’." "At this point the following paragraph is canceled in the Dutch record: ‘We also have assurance that you atrociously slander the director before numerous company and the entire watch at the guard house, saying that he is a rascal and a thief; that he drinks himself full every day with Mr. La Montagne and then shuts his room tight; that he steals the Company’s beavers and sends them over; that he buys a great deal and does not charge it all to his account; that he has ruined the country and that ht director now wants you to save it; that you well know who buys the hides, etc., and many other calumnies which you according to your oath should punish. Therefore, we require that you prove all this or that you suffer the penalty provided therefore.’ " Final note – "Not completed."] Pages 187-188.
+ March 11, 1644, declaration of Johannes La Montagne and Philippe de Remier respecting the testamentary disposition of his property made by Jan Manje, laying wounded at Stamfort: "Before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary of New Netherland, appeared Johannes La Montangne, councilor of the said place, and Philip Dorme, aged 34 years,* who at the request of Marta Chombar, widow of the late Jan Manje, attest, testify and declare, in place and with promise of an oath if need be and required, that it is true and truthful that Jan Manje at Stamfort, [205] being wounded, requested and charged him, the deponent, to tell his son-in-law, Piter, the Italian,* that the above mentioned Marta Chambar, his wife, should remain in full possession of all the property they might jointly possess, without being disturbed about it by this son-in-law as long as she lived. All of which they offer to confirm. The 11th of March Ao. 1644, in Fort Amsterdam, New Netherland. La Montagne Ph[i]lipe X de Remier Acknowledged before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, Secretary" [Footnote: "The italicized words were added in the margin."] Pages 204-205.
+ Aug. 9, 1647, powers of attorney from Jesse La Montagne to Coenraet van Ceulen to receive money due him by the West India Company: "Before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary of New Netherland, appeared Jesse La Montangne, assisted by his father and guardian, Mr. Johannes La Montangne, councilor in New [469] Netherland, who declared in the presence of the undersigned witnesses that he appointed and empowered, as he hereby does [appoint and empower], Mr. Coenraet van Ceulen, merchant at Amsterdam, to ask, demand and receive in the name and on the behalf of the above mentioned Jesse La Montangne from the honorable directors of the Chartered West India Company, chamber at Amsterdam, the sum of nine hundred and forty guilders, ten stivers, earned by the above mentioned Jesse La Montangne from their honors in New Netherland as appears by the annexed account and the Book of Monthly Wages, N.o F, p. 51. On payment of said sum of nine hundred and forty guilders by the above mentioned directors to the above named Mr. Coenraet van Ceulen or his substitute they may execute a receipt therefore in due form, he, Jesse La Montangne, promising with his father and guardian, who assists herein, to hold and cause to be held as valid all that the above mentioned Mr. van Ceulen or his substitute shall do or transact in the matter, even though it should require more specific and ample powers than are herein mentioned. Thus done and signed in the record by Jesse La Montangne, assisted by Johannes La Montangne, his father and guardian, in the presence of [ ], as witnesses hereto invited, in Fort Amsterdam in New Netherland, the 9th of August Ao. 1647. La Montagne Jesse Lamontangne Augustin Herrman, Testat. Jno Dolling Acknowledged before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, Secretary" Pages 468-469.

"New York Historical Manuscripts: Dutch; Volume III, Register of the Provincial Secretary, 1648-1660," translated and annotated by Arnold J.F. Van Laer, edited by Kenneth Scott and Kenn Stryker-Rodda, 1974.
+ Feb. 22, 1649, report of the inquest on the body of Elizabeth___?: "On the 22d of February Ao. 1649, Mr. La Montagne and Fiscal van Dyck, together with Mr. Jacob* and Mr. Jan Pau, surgeons, went to the house of Herry Pirs,* by order of the honorable director and council, to examine the dead body of Lysabet [ ], on which corpse was found a small wound on the forehead inflicted by an axe. The above named surgeons declare that the said wound was not lethal, nor the cause of death, and that Elisabet had come to her death by some other accident. In testimony whereof this is signed by the surgeons in the presence of the said gentlemen, on the date above mentioned, in Fort Amsterdam in New Netherland. Jacob Henderycksz Jan Pauw La Montagne Acknowledged before me, Cor. Van Tienhoven, Secretary" [Footnotes: "Surgeon Jacob Hendricksen Varrevanger." "Harry Piers, or Pierce."] Page 83.
+ Sept. 23, 1651, contract of sale from Jochem Pietersen Kuyter to Director Stuyvesant, Luycas Rodenborch and Cornelis de Potter of three fourths of his land called Zegendael on Manhattan Island: "… Zegendael, in the Indian tongue Schorrakyn, adjoining to the south Willem Beeckman, lieutenant of the burgher guard here, at the end of Mr. Johannes la Montagne’s hollow to the first cliff, stretching northward to the great kill, having to the west on the North river a hay meadow, containing about three or four morgens, the aforesaid land being about two hundred morgens in extent …" Pages 309-312.
+ Dec. 14, 1654, certificate of Johannes de La Montagne and Cornelis van Tienhoven as to the good health of Nicasius de Sille: "In the year after the birth of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, 1654, the 14th of December, before me, Cornelis van Ruyven, appointed secretary in New Netherland for the General Chartered West India Company, appeared the Hon. Johan de La Montagne, councilor of New Newtherland, and the Hon. Cornelis van Thienhoven, councilor and fiscal of New Netherland, who certified and declared, as they do hereby certify and declare, that it is true and truthful that on this day, the 14th of December 1654, they have seen Mr. Nicasius de Sille, now first political and military councilor of New Netherland, son of the honorable Dr. Laurens de Sille, former advocate fiscal of the High and Mighty lords the States General of the United Netherlands, being well disposed and, God be praised, in good health and quite fit; which they have confirmed with their signatures. Thus done in Fort Amsterdam in New Netherland, the year and day above written."* [Footnote: "Not signed in the record."] Page 381.

"New York Historical Manuscripts, Dutch, Volume V, Council Minutes, 1652-1654," translated and edited by Charles T. Gehring, The Holland Society of New York, Genealogical Publishing Co. Inc., Baltimore, 1983.
+ Feb. 12, 1652: "The surgeons request by petition that they alone be allowed to shave.
"The director and council respond that shaving is actually not in the domain of surgery, but is only an appendix to it; and that no one can be denied this service to himself or doing it out of friendship for another, with the condition that it is done out of courtesy and without receiving payment for it or keeping a shop to do it in, which is hereby forbidden.
"With regard to this last petition: we proclaim this regulation concerning the surgeons and the public health and about which [ ] have decided, that whereas last summer two or three serious mistakes were made by the inexperience of some ships’ barbers; therefore, the director and council hereby order that such ships’ barbers shall not dress any wounds, bleed, or prescribe any drinks for anyone on land without the knowledge or special consent of the petitioners or, at least, of Doctor La Montagne." Page 13.
+ On or soon after Feb. 12, 1652: Adriaen van Thienhoven, Samuel Megapolensis and Jan de la Montagne request by petition that a pew be erected in the church at this place. The director-general and council resolve to take it into consideration." Page 13.
+ March 28, 1652: "Without mentioning the various misbehaviors of the fiscal, van Dyck, of which he has made himself guilty by connivance, negligence and, in general, failing to do his duty, he has now had the audacity to insult, slander and chide us and the honorable council repeatedly, as his won confession and the evidence of trustworthy witnesses proves, especially his own petitions of 4 July 1647 and September 1651, as of the council’s petition dated 1648. All of this we have suffered patiently and overlooked upon his promise of better behavior. Nevertheless, he has again seen fit to insult, slander and chide [ ] on the 6th of this month at the house of Captain Francoys Vyn, in the presence of him, his wife, the dry nurse and Andries Christman, calling [ ] a scoundrel, murderer and tyrant [ ] and other such names. Because we have a different opinion or ourselves and because up till now we have never been so considered by respectable people, or much less having anyone be persuaded to believe such; however, because such insults and slanders have been repeatedly uttered behind our backs and in our presence, we [25] cannot endure it any longer without causing our good names and reputation to be suspected. We are therefore compelled for the sake of the Company’s, our subjects’, and our own honor to suspend the aforesaid fiscal, Hendrick van Dyc, from his office and duties until further orders are received from the lords directors, and in the meantime communicate this to your honors for approval or defense of the fiscal, as your honors may see fit for our honor and public welfare. Done in New Amsterdam, 27 March 1652.
"After the director-general, Petrus Stuyvesant had read the above proposal to the council and aldermen, they declared that they could not produce anything for the defense of the fiscal nor find any reason why he should not be suspended. 28 March 1652.
"La Montagne, Brian Newton, David Provoost, Willem Beeckman, Pouwelis Leendertsen van der Grift. Before me, Cornelis van Tienhoven, secretary." Page 24-25.

"Correspondence 1647-1653," translated by Charles T. Gehring, Holland Society of New York, Syracuse University Press, 2000.

+ March 21, 1651: Letter from the West India Company directors in Amsterdam to Director General Petrus Stuyvesant in New Amsterdam. "We regret, that we cannot fully comply with the request of Mons. La Montangie, although we are willing, upon your recommendation, to grant as much as the condition of the Company admits. Under these circumstances we thought it advisable that you should be directed to encourage him in the continuance of his duties and not to molest him for the present on account of what he owes to the Company, further also to increase his yearly salary from 150 to 200 and to favor him, subject to our approval, with any office, becoming vacant, for which you think him fit." Page 108.
+ June 6, 1653: Letter from the West India Company directors in Amsterdam to Director General Petrus Stuyvesant in New Amsterdam. "We have also decided out of special consideration that your honor shall allow commencement of the improvement of Councilor La Montagne’s salary to 50 per month and 200 annually for board as much sooner and from whatever time that his debt to the Company can be cleared thereby. We trust that this will allow him to continue in his office and devote even more energy to the Company’s affairs." Page 213.

"Council Minutes, 1655-1656," New Netherland Documents Series, Vol. VI, translated and edited by Charles T. Gehring, Syracuse University Press, 1995.
+ "The winter of 1654-1655 in New Amsterdam was so severe that farmers were ordered to haul firewood, people were punished for cutting palisade to heat their houses, and it is related that George Baxter, traveling from New England to his home on Long Island, was able to cross the East River on the ice at the ‘White Stone.’* It may also have been the severity of the winter that inspired Petrus Stuyvesant, the director general of New Netherland, to lead a trade mission tot eh Caribbean in December of 1654. He would not return until July of the following year. [Footnote – "Whitestone, Long Island, location of the present-day Whitestone Bridge."]
"In Stuyvesant’s absence the council consisted of Nicasius de Sille, Johannes de la Montagne, and Cornelis van Tienhoven. As the highest governing body in New Netherland, the council was responsible for all legislative, judicial, and executive activities within its jurisdiction. In the early years under directors Minuit, Van Twiller, and Kieft this meant the entire territory from the Connecticut River to Delaware Bay. However, as New Netherland’s population grew it was necessary to establish new communities with rights and privileges of their own, and to grant older settlements the right to govern themselves within their own local jurisdiction." Page xiii.
+ "The year 1654 was bittersweet for the West India Company and its possession of New Netherland. It saw the end of the first war with England (1652-1654); a war that tested the naval resources of patria and [xv] the abilities of Petrus Stuyvesant. English strategy to place its naval forces in the Channel – the so-called bottleneck of Europe – succeeded in blockading the Netherlands and disrupting normal commercial traffic to North America for most of the war. For the duration of the war Stuyvesant was faced with the prospect of invasion from the English in New England or the Chesapeake colonies. It took all his political and military skills to hold New Netherland together. News of peace with England was celebrated with bonfires and a day of prayer and thanksgiving. However, the euphoria was soon tempered by reports that Dutch forces in Brazil had surrendered the ‘impregnable’ stronghold at Recife in Dutch Brazil to the Portuguese. Although the loss of Brazil in January of 1654 was a severe blow to the West India Company, it proved to be a boon to New Netherland. Resources, both financial and human that once flowed to South America, were now redirected to New Netherland." Pages xiv-xv.
+ On or after Aug. 11, 1655, message from Stuyvesant to the council concerning New Sweden: "Whereas my indisposition, which has now already continued 12 or 13 days, does not permit me to attend to and to help advance the very urgent business, which must be undertaken effectively and speedily with the arrival of the ship de Waagh, as we so wished from our heart; to which must be added that the councilor Lamontagne three or four days ago has fallen prey to and been stricken by the general illness, so that he cannot appear in the meeting. Nevertheless, the matter must not suffer any delay because of it; therefore, the lords Nicasius de Sille and Corn. Van Tienhooven are required and at the same time hereby also specially qualified, authorized and directed to promote everything for a speedy execution, which their honors may consider in any way necessary for the aforesaid expedition, and they are to accept as colleague the honorable and valiant Frederick de Coninck, captain of the aforesaid warship de Waagh; and [he is] freely to communicate with us on all occasions, to ask and request, whereupon he might need our advance and counsel." [Footnote: "New Sweden in the Delaware Valley was taken over by the Dutch in September of 1655. See Delaware Papers, NYHM, 18:77."] Page 73.
+ Aug. 28, 1655, resolution to exempt Jews from military service: "The honorable Lamontagne did not sign because he was lying sick in bed at this time." Page 81.
+ Sept. 8, 1655, Joseph Safford and Thomas Read testified concerning Indian threats against the Dutch at Gravesend. The councilors then offered their recommendations on what to do about the situation, mostly urging to send a letter with delegates to determine what was happening in the village. "The lord general advises that it would not be bad if the Messrs. Montagne and Allard Anthony went as deputies to Gravesande to find out what was going on and to sound out the feelings there. The lord Montagne recommends: That 20 to 25 men should be sent there for relief of the Dutch in the village of Gravesande." The councilors decided to send a letter urging the town’s Dutch and English settlers to stick together and offering troops if the threat is serious. The records don’t mention whether Montagne was one of the delegates. Pages 87-90.
+ On or after Nov. 5, 1655, appointment of surveyors for New Amsterdam: "[The aforesaid request of the burgomasters of this city being taken into serious consideration by the director] general and councilors, they find the survey particularly necessary; therefore, the the honorable councilor Lamontagne and the honorable burgomaster Allard Antony, together with the regular surveyor, are ordered and authorized, without regard to persons, gardens or laces, to advance the desired survey, as soon as they are able, so that the interested parties may be better accommodated at a reasonable price. …" Page 129.
+ Nov. 10, 1655, Director General Petrus Stuyvesant requested advice from his council concerning "the recent Indian war," known as the "Peach War." He asked whether the war was "legal and justifiable"; whether it was "timely"; whether "it can be brought to a desirable conclusion with the forces that we present have without endangering the country in general"; and what should be done "regarding the Indians" if the war would be deemed illegal, untimely or impractical. Pages 130-132. Response of La Montagne to the forgoing propositions: "In my opinion it is impossible to judge by the most recent incident between us and the natives whether the war between us and them is lawful or unlawful because it is first necessary to know whether they were the cause of it or not. The matter must be judged by their previous actions, for suppose that they had no evil designs in this matter, but having laid themselves open to suspicion and given cause for the incident, they will always be considered the instigators or aggressors and consequently the causa movens of the same. First, if the untimely gathering here of 1900 Indians without our knowledge and consent (of whom 800 were already here on this side) in order to attack 50 or 60, contrary to their usual manner, was not sufficient enough to cause suspicion of evil intentions, and if their insufferable insolence committed by breaking into Mr. Allerton’s house, and the beating of several burghers in their own houses did not increase the same suspicion thereof, or their remaining here contrary to their promise, and the murder, which they tried to commit on the person of Capt. Paulus Leendertsz after the mounting of the guard, not powerful enough conclude that it was an evil intention of theirs? And all the burghers (to whom the security of the fort was entrusted) assembled in it, and being there were they not obliged (because they were placed there to guard not only the fort but from there to defend the entire place) to give assistance to a burgher who cried, ‘murder’ and ‘help,’ and whether, being there and finding the same burgher wounded in the chest with an arrow, were they not obliged to run after the Indians in order to observe their composure and finding them armed and with guns whether they did not have cause to strike at them? But why do we try to argue so precisely about the lawfulness of a war between us and the Indians from the last incident, seeing that they have given a just and sufficient, indeed more than sufficient cause, before the conflict by murdering our people at various times, without having been willing to give us any restitution, contrary to the treaty made between them and us after the same incident, for the murdering of so many men, women and children, for the taking of so many prisoners, for the burning of so many farms and plantations [140] and for the destruction of so many animals, contrary to the articles of the treaty that was especially requested by them, which stated that in case anyone of us or them should be killed in some mishap that war should not begin against one another before and until reparations and accommodations have been demanded, which having been refused, one should not be able to judge that the war against them is lawful, and in particular against those of Ahasiemes, Hachkinckeshacky, Tappan and others who were together in this incident and who did the most damage to our people and committed the abominable cruelties in the murdering of seven men and one woman, whom they murdered in cold blood (contrary to their promise, confirmed by an oath never before taken by then, namely, God above shall take revenge on us if we fail to keep our promise). However, of what advantage are these investigations to us, as we do not have the strength to pursue the war, whether it be lawful, or even necessary.
"Concerning the second article: as we do not have the strength to purse the war, it is now untimely for the same; if we acquire the strength, then it shall be timely.
"Since we do not have the strength to pursue the war (as I judge), the country in general should not be placed in danger by the same.
"Concerning the fourth article: as we do not have the strength to pursue the war, then it necessarily follows that we must keep quiet until we acquire it; meanwhile we should not trust too much in the Indians. With regard to what we should do with the Indians concerning the losses suffered, I do not have any advice, since they cannot be recovered either by war or peace. With regard to the captives, experience teaches us that it must be accomplished through ransom.
"Although I have never known the state of the treasury, still I can judge that the same is not well funded as alleged by the reasons about the imposts and otherwise, which is for us a great misfortune because this deficiency compels us to dismiss the soldiers during our great emergency, or to levy subsidies in an unsuitable time, for dismissing soldiers shall strengthen the enemy and make them bolder; on the contrary, weaken us and lower our spirits. On the other hand levying taxes shall be very difficult because the farmers have been ruined and shall be unable to pay the tenth, land tax, or horned cattle fee, so that the subsidies would have to be levied from the burghers of this place and of Fort Orange, but the burghers of this city, besides having suffered great loss in the ruin of farmers who were indebted to them, they have also furnished a consider- [141] erable sum for payment of the blinds* constructed in the defensive works of this city, and especially for daily maintenance of the poor people, widows and orphans who were produced in this war, so that there is no hope for being able to acquire a sufficient sum for our urgent needs. Nevertheless, of two bad choice, one must avoid the worse one; it would be best (in my opinion) to levy subsidies rather than to dismiss the soldiers.
"The means of [levying] these subsidies, and those who would feel it least, is by increasing the excise on beer and all sorts of wine; for the brewers, who now sell beer here at f 24,- the tun, although the malt is no more expensive than when they sold it for f20,-, would be able to bear an impost without harm; the same for the tappers who can still make a profit from their cheapest wine.
"Considering the Curacao horses: if they are alive and can be found, it would be best to sell them, or otherwise to contract them out to the farmers, Dutch or English. Ady ut supra. (Was signed.) La Montagne." Pages 139-141.
[Footnote: "Protective shelters and covers in the walls and trenches protecting the city."]
+ Nov. 29, 1655, Jewish merchants petitioned for permission to trade in the South River. They said, "the petitioners along with other inhabitants here were given permission and consent from the lords directors of the chartered West India Company, lords and patrons of this province, to sail, live , and trade, and to enjoy the same freedom, as appears by the document hereto appended; therefore, they humbly request that you honors will not prevent and hinder them therein, but he pleased to allow and consent that (pursuant to their obtained consent) they may be allowed, along with the other inhabitants of this province, to sail and trade there and in the South River of New Netherland, Fort Orange, and other places located within the district of this government of New Netherland." The New Netherland council offered its advice. La Montagne advised: "To recommend that the petition be denied for important reasons." The council then issued its final recommendation: "For important reasons the petition, which was proposed in such general terms, has been denied; however, because it has been reported that the [151] petitioners have already shipped some goods, they will be permitted for the present time to send one or two persons to the South River in order to trade the same. When this has been done, they are to return to this place." Pages 149-151.
+ Jan. 26, 1656, Jan Smith was indicted with a statement reading: "it not only appears that Jan Smith is a thief of hogs but that he, if those whom he sought out would have committed violence, theft, murder and arson at Taelman’s under guise of Indians, also through deceit to take away the goods of a burgher here." The New Netherland council then made recommendations on the charges: "Recommendation of the lord councilor La Montagne: Having seriously examined and considered all the papers concerning the criminal proceedings brought at the request of the fiscal of New Netherland in the case of thievery and enormous outrages against Jan Smith, presently a prisoner, my recommendation is (under correction of a better) that the same Jan Smith, although according to the law he deserves death, but because of his youth and because he has never been previously in trouble with the law, that he shall be whipped, branded and banished. Was signed: La Montagne." The officials convicted Smith, who made "his confession, made without torture and chains." They sentenced him to "be brought to the place where justice is commonly done, and there to be beaten severely with rods, branded, and banished from the province forever, as an example to other such field and livestock thieves." Pages 199-201, 203.
+ Feb. 22, 1656: Director General Petrus Stuyvesant made proposals for raising funds to cover expenses for the expedition against the Swedes near what is now Philadelphia and other expenses. He also asked for councilors’ advice "concerning the present situation with the natives."
Johannes de la Montagne replied: "It is unknown to me how many times that the lord director has demonstrated verbally to the honorable council the dearth of treasury and the necessity to find means to supplement it; however, one thing I do know is that written recommendations have been submitted to all his proposals, and if sufficient means are not found to alleviate all the burdens stated in the honorable lord director’s proposals, it cannot be attributed to any maliciousness but to the impossibility of the matter caused by the misery of this time.
"On the first point concerning the resolution of the honorable lords patrons regarding the land tax and cattle fee, the honorable lord director should, in my opinion, still be mindful that he himself was the first one, when the printed placards came from Holland, who saw fit to delay the posting of the same until a more appropriate time. If his honor now finds the times to be more appropriate and the entire [ ] to carry out the same, the same placards are ready, and nothing remains but to post them. Concerning the 2 and ½ stivers for each rod on lots in this city, I do not know that the honorable lords patrons have ordered such, but do know that the tenths should be demanded on the rent of houses included in this city, which could have brought in a considerable sum, or otherwise [could have been] a pernicious income in its beginning, for the compensation of the damage that the burgers shall claim, would certainly exceed the sum of the aforesaid income, Just as everyone shall be able to judge [arrange] as he considers tha the place included within the surrounding walls of this city is barely 30 morgens in size, from which is deducted the fort, the church grounds, the Company’s garden and houses, old and [234] news streets, there shall hardly remain left 20 morgens, which calculated at 15 guilders per morgen, shall amount to about 300 guilders. This sum shall obviously not be able to compensate for the aforesaid damage. All the confusion that the building regulation shall cause in the patents, which regulation was, in my opinion, unnecessary at this time, because there are more empty lots on the regulated and completed streets than houses shall apparently be built in 4 years. Therefore it is my opinion that these subsidies could have been raised on the unimproved lots with more profit and more satisfaction of the burghers, according to the patents.
"Concerning the tax on malt: I fear that the same shall be considered very peculiar and severe because recently the excise on beer has been doubled; and especially because the prices on grain has risen greatly since that time. Therefore, it is my recommendation that this should be reserved to another more suitable time.
"Concerning the commissary Carel van Bruggen: I have personally admonished him regarding his promised to carry out his duties. He replied that he was doing his best, and that he was sleeping in the shop to do so; however, he experienced so many difficulties that he often saw no information, namely, about the goods, which he had neither received nor debited. Therefore, he was required to work from a waste book that was very vague. But such excuses are frivolous, as the honorable lord director knows better than I. My recommendation is that he be ordered to finish up before the departure of the ship de Waagh, or by failure to do so that he shall be sent with his books aboard the same ship to the lords.
"Concerning the present situation of the Indian: it is my recommendation that as I have already done so for the last proposal of the lord director made to the council, it was unnecessary to repeat the same; and concerning the consolidation of the farmers’ houses at M[ ] in the countryside: the published placard of the director and council about this city excuses my recommendation to deny the same. At For Amsterdam, the [ ] 1656. La Montagne." Page 233-234.
+ Late February or early March, 1656, four men were to be questioned about the presence of too many marks on containers of distilled spirits aboard a ship: "commissioners have been empowered and authorized the honorable lords Nicasius de Sille and La Montagne, provided that the interrogation occur in the presence of the lord fiscal." Page 251.
+ On or after April 12, 1656, order appointing commissioners to settle a dispute between John Gray and his creditors: "At the request of the magistrates of the village of Middel borch, the honorable lords La Montagne and Cornelis van Tienhoven have been appointed commissioners to proceed to the aforesaid village of Middelborch where they are to supervise the settlement of accounts between Jan Craay and his creditors. Ady ut supra." Page 296.

"Correspondence 1654-1658," translated by Charles T. Gehring, Holland Society of New York, Syracuse University Press, 2003.
+ Sept. 15, 1657: Letter from the West India Company directors in Amsterdam to Director General Petrus Stuyvesant in New Amsterdam. "The satisfaction apparently felt by the resident community of Fort Orange and the village of Beverwijck over the administration of the councilor La Montagne has led us to approve of continuing the same there as commissary or vice director provisionally and until further orders." Page 147.
+ Aug. 15, 1658: Letter from Johannes de la Montagne to the French governor of Three Rivers in New France, which is now Canada. "Sir, The Indians, called Maquas by us, have come here on the 13th of this month, bringing with them a Frenchman named Louis Paraget, whom (as they told us) they desire to return to your Lordship with two others, in exchange for six of their people who are held prisoner there, trying at the same time to conclude a general peace with all the Indians in your region. And as they dare not do it themselves, they have asked me urgently to assist them with someone who has knowledge of the French language to help them in this matter. I could hardly refuse them this for fear of causing an obstacle or ruining an opportunity to do a good work. For this reason I have dispatched this soldier, bearer hereof, name Henry Maertin, to serve them in this work according to his ability. I hope that your Lordship will take in good part what I am doing, which only proceeds from good intentions and affection. Meanwhile, I remain (after my humble compliments) Sir, Your very humble obedient servant LaMontagne." Page 198.

"Minutes of the Orphanmasters of New Amsterdam, 1655 to 1663," by Berthold Fernow, Colonial Dames of the State of New York, 1902.
+ March 14, 1653: "Having seen and considered the memorial of the Burgomasters and Schepens of this City of New Amsterdam, pointing out, first and above all, that the City ought to be fortified with palisades, then that the fort should be put into a condition of defense, for which they propose to furnish four to six thousand guilders,
"The Director General and Council are pleased with these propositions … We therefore consent that the suggested and requested fortifications shall first properly be prepared for defense under the supervision and directions of the Director General and Council or their agents in the presence of Burgomasters and Schepens or their deputies and to have this work commenced as soon as possible, the Director General and Council appoint as their representatives from this Board the first Councillor Monsieur la Montagne, who will see with the deputies from the Commonwealth, that the work is properly carried out." Vol. 1, page 68.
+ March 15, 1653: "Burgomasters and Schepens have by a plurality of votes nominated and elected Schepens Pieter Wolfersen and Wilh. Beeckman, whom they hereby authorize, to supervise with the Hon’ble Mr. la Montagne, appointed by Director General and Council, the work of fortifying this City, and to take care, that it is properly done, and Burgomaster Arent van Hattem shall pay out the funds, furnished as per list. Done etc. March 15, 1653. … Notice: The Committee, appointed by Director General, Council and Magistrates of this City will receive proposals for a certain piece of work to set off the City with Palisades, 12 to 13 feet long, by the rod. Any one, who wishes to undertake this work may come to the City Hall next Tuesday afternoon, hear the conditions and look over the work. Done etc. March 15, 1653." Vol. 1, page 69.
+ "The Committee, appointed for the work of making this city of New Amsterdam defensible, met to-day, March 18, 1653, at the City Hall and after repeating the conditions several times they have found, that nobody is willing to do the work for a less price, than 40 to 50 fl. per rod. As this would cost a great deal the Committee provisionally suspend the bidding, considering it profitable and useful, after a conference, to set it off with planks and finding, that this would cost only three to four thousand florins, they will communicate with the Hon’ble Director General and inquire, what is to be done. Done as above, La Montagne Wilh. Beeckman Pieter Wolfersen." Vol. 1, page 73.
+ March 2, 1654: "Council Chamber, Fort Amsterdam March 16 1654. Present in the Director General’s absence, Johannes La Montagne High Councillor and the Burgomaster and Schepens of the City of New Amsterdam except Jochem P’r Kuyter." Vol. 1, page 174.
+ June 16, 1654: "Whereas the Director General and Council have in consequence of the current and continued reports, thought it highly necessary and proper to think of the prompt and speedy security of this place, as well as by constructing necessary new works, as repairing the old ones, both of the Fort and of this City; for which purpose some workmen have been sent for and engaged; Therefore it is necessary, to pay close attention so, that lazy labor may not defraud the day’s wages. The following persons are hereby authorized, commissioned and appointed: … Overseers and Superindentents of Works of the City New Amsterdam – Hon’ble La Montagne, Councillor, Capt. Crigier, burgomaster, Poulus Leendersen, Schepen." Vol. 1, pages 214-215.
+ March 6, 1656: "The Hon’ble Cornelis van Tienhoven exhibits in Court of Burgomasters and Schepens a petition, presented by certain housekeepers, to the Hon’ble Director General and First Councillor d’Silla, wherein they accuse the government, which was left in authority here in Amsterdam on the departure of the Honble Direct’r General for the South River, with [55] the last disaster and Indian Massacre – and the endorsement thereupon together with the petition presented to the General and the Councillor d’Silla by the Heer La Montagne and him Tienhoven on the same subject, and the endorsement annexed, wherein the petitioners were allowed to take information for the elucidation of the matter. Requesting, therefore, the Court, that their Honors would be pleased to appoint one or two persons from their College as commissioners to hear and examine the witnesses, who shall be brought before them for this purpose. The Hon’ble Burgomaster Oloff Stevensen and Schepen Johannes Pt’r Verbrugge were thereunto commissioned by plurality of votes. Done in Court at the City Hall this 6th March 1656.
"The Hon’ble Tienhoven departs." Vol. 2, pages 54-55.
+ July 26,1656: The Hon’ble La Montagne was appointed an arbitrator when "David d’ Ferere, Jew," appealed a verdict that against him on July13. Vol. 2, page 146-147.
+ Sept. 28, 1656: "In the afternoon appeared at the renting besides the Schout and Burgomasters, also the Hon’ble General Stuyvesant and Councillor La Montagne when, after reading the conditions of the farming of the Burgher excise, the Hon’ble La Montagne hearing that the Company’s Servants should also pay the Burgher excise, maintained that such ought not to be, with whom the Hon’ble Silla and the Hon’ble General, who had so decided the same, differed; wherefore the renting was stopped by order of the Burgomasters. Done, the 28th Sept’r 1656." Vol. 2, page 177.
+ Jan. 30, 1658: "Agreeably to the arrangement of last Monday eight days, the Burgomasters and Schepens exhibit in Court in writing, each his Nomination of succeeding Burgomasters and Schepens. The votes being collected are found ... For Schepens … Joannes Montagne, 1." Those who were elected generally had at least four votes. Vol. 2, page 319.
+ March 29,1661: "Simon Hermzen Cort, arrestant and pltf. v/s Joannes de la Montagne, arrested and deft. Pltf. says, that his chest with carpenters tools stands in the defts. house, from which he missed one thing and the other. Requests his chest and tools back. Deft. shows an acte, whereby the chest and tools stand attached, also the protest made against him and the contract of the building. Which having been read to pltf., he says, that deft. got the contract from him, when he was drunk. Burgomasters and Schepens refer the matter in question to Symon Janzen Romeyn and Adolff Pietersen, to decide the parties’ differences, to reconcile the same if possible, if not to report to the Court their decision, and the arrest remains so long valid until the matter is disposed of." Vol. 3, page 287.
+ Aug. 21, 1663: "Freryck Gysbersen appearing demands, that the Marshal may levy execution on one of Jacob Vis’ houses, inasmuch as Jacob Vis does not settle on the notice of Marshal or the Officer in his name. Burgomasters and Schepens decree, that another letter shall be sent to Fort Orange to Commissary Joannes de la Montagne to notify the aforesaid Jacobus Vis by the Court Messenger and to communicate the return to this Court." Vol. 4, page 289.
+ Oct. 25, 1664: Joannes de Witt, arrestant and pltf. v/s Joannes La montagne Senior, arrested and deft. Deft. in default. Pltf. demands, that the attachment shall be declared valid, until the deft. shall have satisfied him and paid six beavers. The W. Court declares the attachment valid." Vol. 5, page 146.
+ Oct. 25, 1664: Joannes de la Montagne, Senior, pltf. v/s Joannes Withart, deft. Pltf. demands from deft. twenty beavers according to award of arbitrators in the case in question between him and the deft. Deft. admits something to have been settled by arbitrators between him and the pltf., then says he does not know for how much and requests copy of the demand to answer thereunto at the next Court day. Burgomasters and Schepens decree, as the deft. says, he does not know for how much the case in question was settled, that the pltf. shall have to prove for what and for how much." Vol. 5, page 146.
+ Nov. 1, 1664: "Joannes de Witt, pltf. v/s Joannes de la Montagne, Senior, deft. Defts. Second default. Pltf. demands from def. payment of six beavers, saying he prosecuted at the last Court day the attachment against his person and that the deft. has departed. Burgomasters and Schepens decree, that deft. shall be ordered, by a legal letter to be written to him by their Secretary, to satisfy the pltf. or to send an attorney to defend his cause, or that the cause shall be proceeded with." Vol. 5, page 149.
+ Nov. 1, 1664: "Letter to Joannes de La Montagne.
"Mons’r de La Montagne,
"Whereas Joannes de Witt summoned you before the Court of this City on the 25th of Octob’r last, Old Style, attaching your Honor’s person, and prosecuted the summons on the next Court day following, which was on the first of November; on which your Honour did not appear, neither on the first summons nor on the second, to hear such demand as he should institute against you, to wit payment of six beavers, therefore your Honour is hereby notified in the names of the Court above named to pay the aforesaid Joannes de Witt the six beavers or to appear in person or to send an attorney to defend your suit in whatever you have against it; otherwise the case through neglect shall be proceeded with as is fit. Herewith closing they commend you to God’s mercy. (Under stood) By Order of the Court of the City of N. York, situate on the Island [152] Manathans. Was signed Joannes Nevius Secretary. At the Side stood. Done N: Jorck, situate on Manathans Island the first Novemb’r 1664." Vol. 5, pages 151-152.
+ Nov. 27, 1664: "Jacob Kip, pltf. v/s Joannes Withart, deft. Pltf, as attorney of his father in law Joannes de la Montagne senior, demands from deft. thirty seven guilders in beavers balance of twenty beavers according to award of arbitrators. Deft. says, he has suffered great vexation from the abovenamed Joannes de la Montagne and the Commissaries of the Town of Beverwyck, demanding for the damage suffered thereby and for the property taken out of the house, according to a/c, the sum of six hundred and twenty two guilders ten stivers in sewant and no award has been given, as to how much he should give. The W. Court condemn the deft. to pay, before he departs, to the pltf., in the quality in which he acts, the 37 gl. in beavers balance of the twenty beavers according to award of arbitrators, and if he have any claim against the abovenamed Montagne or Commissaries, he can institute his action in the premises, wherever he thinks proper." Vol. 5, page 164.
+ Jan. 31, 1665: "Jacob Kip, pltf. v/s Simon Janzen Romein, deft. Pltf. as attorney of his father in law Joannes Monjeer de la Montagne senior, demands from deft., as attorney of Joannes Withart, the sum of thirty seven guilders ten stivers in beavers. Deft. says, he has no beavers in hand for Joannes Withart; requesting time. The W. Court condemns deft. to satisfy and pay pltf." Vol. 5, page 179.

"Minutes of the Court of Fort Orange and Beverwyck, 1657-1660," translated and edited by A.J.F. Van Laer, University of the State of New York, Albany, N.Y., 1920-1923.
+ 1657: "The vice-director and magistrates of Fort Orange and the village of Beverwyck and the dependencies thereof, observing the difficulty which they have at present in making up the account of the expenditures for the building of the church of the village of Beverwyck and other work during the past year, 1656, have decided that henceforth no work shall be let except by order of the court, granted either by themselves or their deputies, and that no money shall be paid except upon their order. And in order that this may not be too troublesome for the court to grant every time, it is ordered that
Commissary Johannes La Montagne shall hereafter issue such order, provided that he shall keep a record thereof, so as to know thereby at any time the state of the treasury. Done in Fort Orange, the 23d of February Ann 1657." [Footnote: "Apparently a mistake for the 23d of January Anno 1657."] Vol. 2, page 14.
+ April 26, 1657: "J. Lamontagne, in his capacity as officer, plaintiff, against Hans Vos, defendants. The plaintiff says that many complaints have reached him from the inhabitants of Katskil about the sale of liquor to the savages by the defendant, contrary to the ordinance issued by the honorable director general and council of New Netherland. He has therefore investigated the matter and caused several witnesses to be examined before the court and, as it appears [33] from their answers to the interrogatories hereto annexed that the defendant is guilty thereof and this is a matter of dangerous consequence which can not be tolerated in a land where justice prevails …
"The court, having examined the documents produced by the documents produced by the honorable plaintiff as well as by Hans Vos, defendant, and finding that the defendant is guilty of the charges brought against him, condemn him to pay a fine of fl300:- and in addition to banish him, as they do hereby, form the jurisdiction of the court for the period of three years, as an example to others." Vol. 2, pages 32-33.
+ Aug. 1, 1657: "Whereas last Sunday, being the 12th of this month of August Anno 1657, during the preaching, some drunken savages committed many acts of insolence in this place and upon making inquiries a Maqua Indian was found, named Kamgeragae, who declared the he knew a house where the savages obtained the brandy and offered, if we gave him a beaver, to get brandy in the said; therefore, we, Johannes La Montagne, officer, Philip Pietersen Schuyler and Jan Tomassen, magistrates, in [67] view of the seriousness of the matter, on the 13th of the said month, having given a beaver to the aforesaid Indian, followed and accompanied him with Henderick Jochimsen, lieutenant of the burgher guard, which Indian went to the south side of the boundary line, having in his hand an empty kettle, which we have had in our hands, and with this empty kettle went into the house of Marten Bierkaecker,* we together remaining near the said house to watch the result. But as there were strangers in the said house, as we ourselves could hear from the noise, the Indian came back to us with his kettle empty. About three quarters of an hour later the said Indian again went into the said house and came back to us having in his kettle about three pints of brandy and sugar, which he had obtained for the beaver which we had given him, so that we took the kettle with us and went into the house of the said Bierkaecker, where we found him and his wife quite amazed after we had asked them whether they had sold the brandy that was in the kettle to a savage with a white blanket for one beaver, as we had seen the said savage go in and out of the house. All of which, we, the undersigned, upon oath declare to be true. Done in Fort Orange, the 15th of August Anno 1657. Was signed: Johannes La Montagne, Philip Pietersen Schuyler, Jan Tomassen and Henderick Jochimsen." [Footnote: Marten Hendricksen.] Vol. 2, pages 66-67.
+ Aug. 20, 1657: Goossen Gerritsen, " the officer, plaintiff, against Susanna Janssen, wife of Marten, the bierkaecker, defendant. The plaintiff says that on Sunday, being the 12th, he discovered a savage about ten o’clock in the evening who came form the house of Marten Bierkaecker, having with him a kettle in which brandy and other strong liquore, as he proves by the testimony of three witnesses, given on the 15th of the aforesaid months, and also by the confession of the defendant herself. And whereas this is a deed of very dangerous consequence, in violation of the placards issued by the honorable director general and council of New Netherland, and a deed which can not be tolerated in a place where justice prevails, therefore, the said La Montagne, in his capacity of officer, demands that the said Susanna Janssen, in accordance with the said placards, be condemned to pay a fine of fl.500: and the costs of the suit and furthermore be banished from this jurisdiction for the term of six years.
"The defendant again confesses that she committed the said deed, but says that she was moved thereto by extreme poverty, her husband having double hernia and being therefore unable to [72] earn his living and she being burdened with three small children, for whom she can buy no food except with beavers, which she the week before had tried to buy in many places for seawan at fl.12:- apiece, but could not get. That, finally, she was asked [for the liquor] by a savage, who came twice to her house at night with a beaver, for which she gave him three pints of beer, brandy, French and Spanish wine, mixed together, praying of the court forgiveness in consideration of her youth and extreme poverty, promising never to do it again.
"The court, considering the dangerous consequences of the case and the severe placards, condemn the said Susanna Janssen, in accordance with the said placards, to pay a fine of …[amount left blank." Vol. 2, page 71-72.
+ August 1658: "To Mr de la Poterie, Governor of the Three Rivers In New France.
"Sir: The Indians, by out people called Maquas and by your people Iroquois, have come here, bringing with them a Frenchman named Louys Paraget, whom (as they have states to us) they desire with two others to bring back there and to surrender to you in exchange for six of their people whom you hold prisoners, wishing at the same time to make peace with all the Indians in your parts. And as they dare not do it personally, they have asked us to assist them with some one who has knowledge of the French language, to serve them on this occasion. Which we could not refuse them, for fear of losing the opportunity of doing a good work. For this reason we have dispatched a soldier named Henry Martin, to serve them in this matter as the occasion and justice may require, hoping that your [152] honor will take in good part what we are doing, which proceeds only from good intentions and sincere affection. Meanwhile I remain, Sir,
"Your very humble and obedient servant, La Montagne." [Footnote: "The above letter, with certain variations, is printed in O’Callaghan, History of New Netherland, 2:366, where the date is given as August 15, 1658."] Vol. 2, pages 151-152.
+ Oct. 8, 1658: "There appeared before the court the sachems (Sackimaes) of the three Maquas castles, having with them Saciadego, as their spokesman, who requested as follows:
"First, that we should tell them whether we knew where the Frenchman (who the last time came here with them) was at present. [Footnote: Louis Paraget.]
"Secondly, whether we did not know that they had not killed the aforesaid Frenchman?
"Thirdly, they requested that we should write to the governor of Canada that they had not killed the said Frenchman.
"Fourthly, whether Commissary La Montague would not go with them to Canada to make peace with the French?
"To which questions or propositions the court gave for answer:
"First, that they did not know where the Frenchman was at present.
"Secondly, that they had not heard that they had killed him.
[162] "Thirdly, that they were willing to write to that effect. "To the fourth proposition: that the commissary was appointed to guard this place and could not leave it without the consent of the great Sachem (de groote Sackimaker).
"Hereupon they asked us to provide them with a man who understood the French language and also with a letter to the governor of Canada. This was promised them, whereupon Jacob Begyn, a soldier, immediately offered his services. He went with them on the 9th of this month, with a letter of this tenor." Vol. 2, pages 161-162.
+ July 8, 1659: "The honorable officer Johannes La Montagne, plaintiff, against Cornelis Teunissen Bosch, defendant. The plaintiff says and complains that the defendant defamed the honorable court. The defendant says that he is not guilty. The honorable court orders that copies shall be delivered to the parties, to make answer thereto on the next court day.
"Idem, plaintiff, against Pieter Erasmus, defendant. The plaintiff says and complains that Pieter Erasmus contrary to the ordinance has been in the woods and came down the hill
with Indians. The defendant denies it and says that he has not been there. The plaintiff demands that the defendant shall under oath purge himself of the charge, namely, that he persuaded the Indians to go to his master’s house. The honorable court orders the defendant to think the matter over until the next court day.
"Idem, plaintiff, against Philip Pietersen, defendant. The plaintiff requests judgment against the defendant who contrary to the ordinance sent Indians into the woods and gave
them presents. Therefore, that Philip Pietersen shall purge himself under oath, or else be fined according to the ordinance. The defendant refuses to take the oath aid says that he is not guilty thereof. [202] The honorable court orders the parties to think the matter over until the next court day.
"Idem, plaintiff, against Pieter Hartgere, defendant. The plaintiff say» that Pieter Hartgers, according to his own confession contrary to the ordinance has sent Indian brokers into the woods. He requests therefore that the defendant be fined according to the ordinance. The defendant admits that he sent Indians as brokers into the woods and that he was permitted to do so, because the ordinance according to his opinion should have been repealed in the same way as last year. The honorable court will take the matter under advisement." Vol. 2, pages 202-203.
+ Sept. 6, 1659: La Montagne presided over an "Extraordinary Session held in Fort Orange by both courts to hear the propositions made by the Maquaes." The Native Americans presented gifts of seawan and beaver pelts and issued a series of statements and questions, including professions of friendship and well as complaints about sales of alcohol and fickle – and sometimes cruel – treatment by the Dutch. They asked that their guns be repaired for free. They also asked for help in rebuilding their fortifications and in obtaining the release of two sons who were held by the French. Vol. 2, page 211-213.
+ Sept. 8, 1659: La Montagne presided of a "Session held in Fort Orange on the 8th of September anno 1659, to consider the propositions made by the Maquaes on the 6th of the same month." The Dutch officials reasserted their friendship with the Native Americans but delayed making any firm decisions until the arrival of Director-General Pieter Stuyvesant, who was expected to arrive soon. Vol. 2, page 213.
+ Sept. 16, 1659: La Montagne presided over an "Extraordinary Session held in Fort Orange by both courts of the said place." Since the director-general was unable to visit Beverwyck because of illness, the officials "have for the peace and well-being of their country decided to delegate some of their members to enter into a further alliance with the said Maquaes … and to give them a fair and proper answer to their propositions." The delegation traveled to "the first castle of the Maquaes called Kaghnuiwage" and delivered their response on Sept. 24. After reiterating their pledges of friendship, the Dutch said they could not force their gunsmiths to work for free; urged the leaders to discourage their people from buying brandy; replied that horses wouldn’t work well on the steep hills and the Dutch men "become sick merely from marching to this place" and could not help build fortifications; requested that the leaders forbid their people from killing horses, cows, hogs and goats; and gave gifts of gunpowder and lead, axes and knives. The propositions were "gratefully accepted by the chiefs and all the bystanders." "As soon as we had made our propositions, a letter was handed to us by the negro of Mr La Montagne, whom his honor had expressly dispatched to us. From this letter we learned that some mischief and fighting had taken place between our people and the Esopus savages." [The preceding is on page 217.] The delegate told the chief and bystanders about the matter and they replied that "if the Esopus or other river Indians should come to them with presents and asked them for assistance to fight with them against our people, they would kick them with the foot and say to them: You beasts, you hogs, go away from here, we will have nothing to do with you." The delegation asked the Native Americans to release some French captives and they, in turn, complained about the French. Vol. 2 , pages 215-219.
+ Oct. 28, 1659: " Whereas Cornelis Teunissen Bosch on the 8th of July of this year dared to defame the honorable magistrates of this court, which said magistrates represent the supreme authorities, and this by such words that out of respect due to the court we dare not write them down, as appears from the testimony of three credible witnesses and his own confession; therefore, I, Johannes La Montagne, plaintiff, in my capacity of officer, demand that the aforesaid Carnelis Teunissen Bosch, as a defamer of his superior authorities and [contemner of] their ordinances, shall be condemned to pay a fine of twelve hundred guilders and in additional shall be banished form this jurisdiction for the period of twelve consecutive years, as an example to others, Actum in Fort Orange, the 28th of October Anno 1659. In reply to which demand of the officer, Cornelis Teunissen Bosch said that he did not propose to plead his case before the magistrates of this place and rejected their authority, appealing to the honorable director and council.." Vol. 2, page 221. [Note: This record is repeated on page 225.]
+ Oct. 18, 1659: La Montagne presided over an "Extraordinary Session held in Fort Orange, October 19, Anno 1659, to hear some propositions to be made by two Maquaes sachems, being sent by and speaking in the names of all of them." The Native Americans complained about insults by the Dutch settlers and discussed fighting between the settlers at the Esopus and the local Indians. They then said they would send a sachem to the Esopus encourage them to release Dutch prisoners and to abstain from attacking Beverwyck. Vol. 2, 222-223.
+ Nov. 18, 1659: La Montagne presided over an extraordinary session held at Fort Oragne. The court had received a Nov. 12 letter from the director general concerning the Esopus Indians. The court decided it would not as that the Esopus Indians be "shut out by the Mahican and Katskill Indians" until they are informed of an attack on the settlement at Esopus. Vol. 2, pages 228-229.
+ May 31, 1660: An extraordinary session was held to discuss "Indian brokers," who sought out Native Americans who could sell highly valued beaver pelts. The Native Americans had asked that the practice be ended because the brokers were often abusive. The court had banned the practice but several settlers signed a petition asking to overturn the ban. Johannes de la Montagnes was among those who entered the debate. [Page 256] "La Montagne is of opinion in this difficult matter, where there are two directly opposite parties, one asking to be allowed to employ Indian brokers and no Christians, and the other Christians and no Indians, that, according to the ordinance issued about the said matter in the year 1654 and since then published here every year, no brokers of either nation shall be employed, but that the Indians unsolicited shall be allowed to trade their beavers where they please." After La Montagne testified, the commissary and magistrates voted to follow his advice. Those who used a broker were to face a fine of 300 guilders and a suspension of their business for two months. Vol. 2, pages 255
+ Jun 26, 1660: La Montagne presided over a meeting concerning the Maquas at Fort Orange. The Native Americans complained about physical abuse by the Dutch, especially that by Indian brokers who entered the woods in search of Native Americans with valuable beaver pelts. The asked that the Dutch be banned from entering the forest and beating and kicking them. The Dutch leaders then discussed the matter. [Page 269.] "La Montagne advises to give the Maquas for answer that we had never heard that any violence was done to them in the woods and that they had never complained of it, but now that we have heard their complaints, we promise them to do our best to prevent it and if they can report the persons, we shall punish them. As to the Dutchmen who roam in the woods, we shall forbid them to do so, but if no Maqua brokers were employed, it would be easier to forbid it to the Dutch and then the Indians could exchange their beavers unmolested wherever they pleased." Most of the others who discussed the matter were of the same general opinion. As a result the officials decided on June 28 to restate their ban on Indian brokers. Vol. 2, pages 268-269.
+ July 15, 1660: "Johannes La Montagne, in his capacity of officer, plaintiff, against Poulis Jansen, defendant. The plaintiff complains and says that the defendant, contrary to the latest ordinance, has ventured to go as a broker into the woods and to attract the savages with beavers. The defendant admits having been in the woods, but claims that he went there to pick blueberries. The honorable court adjourns the case until the next court day." Vol. 2, page 278.
+ Sept. 14, 1660: Johannes La Montagne prosecuted a number of cases "in his capacity of officer." Examples: "Johannes La Montagne, in his capacity of officer, plaintiff, against Lambert Albersen van Neck, defendant. The plaintiff complains, according to his complaint delivere3d in writing, that the defendant offered resistance to the court [officer] in regard to the collection of the chimney tax. The defendant says the he offered resistance because he would not allow his property to be carried out of the house. [298] The honorable court orders the plaintiff to furnish the defendant with a copy of his complaint, to make answer thereto on the next court day."
"Idem, plaintiff, against Jurriaen Theunesen, defendant. The plaintiff says and complains that the defendant, on the 23d of August last past, did not hesitate to beat some of the magistrates at the house of Juffrouw Dyckmans and furthermore to abuse the honorable court, according to the affidavits thereof, which the plaintiff produces. He demands, therefore, that the defendant be arbitrarily punished. The defendant says that he known nothing about it, as he was very deeply intoxicated. The honorable court, having examined the affidavits, and heard the complaint of the plaintiff and the answer of the defendant, condemn the defendant to pay a fine of thirty guilders and the costs of the suit." Vol. 2, pages 297-298.
+ Dec. 30, 1660: Johannes La Montagne, "in his capacity of officer," prosecuted a pair of cases against tavernkeepers who conducted business "at night, after the ringing of the bell." In the second case, the record mentions that Marceles Jansen was "fined by the court messenger (who came by order of the honorable plaintiff), to whom the defendant said: ‘I shall tap the entire night, in spite of Montagne.’ He asks therefore that the defendant be fined according to the ordinance and in addition be ordered to pay a fine of fl.50 for his insolent remarks. The defendant pleads not guilty. The plaintiff produces the report of the court messenger and in addition four witnesses, who declare that they heard it. The honorable court … condemn the defendant to pay a fine of fl.70 and furthermore a fine of fl.50 for his insolent remarks." Vol. 2, pages 311-312.

"Collections on the History of Albany, From Its Discovery to the Present Time," published by J. Munsell, Albany, N.Y., 1870.
+ Oct. 16, 1656: "Appeared before me Johannes De La Montagne, in the service of the Privileged West India Company, Clerk and Vice Director at Fort Orange and the village of Beverwyck …" [Footnote: "Johannes Le Montagne succeeded Johannes De Decker, as vice director and deputy at Fort Orange, 28th Sept., 1656. Johannes Provoost was secretary, and Ludovicus Cobbes court messenger. See p. 9, note."] Vol. 3, page 1.
+ Nov. 16, 1656: "Acknowledged before me, La Montagne, Deputy at Fort Orange." [Footnote: "Johannes La Montagne, a magistrate at Albany, N.Y., under the Dutch colonial government, was born in 1592; was a Huguenot physician, of varied acquirements, and came to New Netherland in 1637; in 1638 was appointed one of the council under Kieft; married, 1. Rachel Monjour; 2. Agritta Fillis, 18 Aug., 1647; 1641 was appointed by Kieft to command an expedition consisting of fifty men in two yachts to Fort Good Hope, now Hartford, on the Connecticut river, to maintain Dutch rights there against the encroachments of the English; but the enterprise was stayed by the pressure of affairs nearer home; 1643 saved the life of Director Kieft, attacked by Maryn Adriaensen, and same year was sent to Staten island with three companies to put down the Indians, from which he returned laden with the spoils of several hundred bushels of corn; 1644 headed an expedition against the Indians of Long Island, where one hundred and twenty savages were killed; 1645 accompanied Kieft on his first voyage to Fort Orange, to secure the friendship of the Mohawks, on which occasion he conducted an analysis of the war paint of the natives, and discovered gold therein, to the great comfort of Kieft; 1647 was retained in the council by Stuyvesant; 1648 was dispatched to the South river to secure the Dutch acquisitions there, which was successfully done; 1652, it having been determined to establish a school in the city tavern, he was for the time appointed schoolmaster; 1653 he was in the enjoyment of an income of nearly four hundred dollars a month from his public offices; 1656 on the retirement of De Decker he was appointed vice director at Fort Orange, now Albany; 1660 headed a detachment of soldiers to discover and arrest forestallers (bosh-loopers, bush runners), or persons, among whom were some of the magistrates of the city, who went out to intercept the Indians on their way to Fort Orange with furs, with a view to make advantageous purchases against the regulations of trade; 1664 surrendered Fort Orange to the English, and swore allegiance to the new dynasty. His bouwery in New York was east of Eighth avenue, and extended from 93d street north to Harlem river, containing about two hundred acres, which was called Vrdendael (peaceful vale). – O’Callaghan’s History of New Netherland; document relative to the Colonial History of New York. Vol. 3, page 9.
+ Nov. 20, 1656: "Appeared before me Jan De La Montagne, in the service of the Privileged West India Company, Vice Director and Deputy at Fort Orange, and village of Beverwyck …" Vol. 3, page 9.
+ Nov. 10, 1657: Willhelm Montagne and Johannes Provoost witnessed a payment by David Wessels to Evert Luycassen. Vol. 3, page 60.
+ July 16, 1659: "Goods of Pieter Claerbout to be sold, and paid for in beavers in the time of eight days, or else what is not beaver and is reckoned in sewant is to be paid at 12 guilders the beaver. … J. La Montagne, 3 ditto platters, f. 5.10 … Heer La Montagne, a black linnen apron, f. 13.00" ["ditto" indicates porcelain in this case.] Vol. 4, pages 249-250.

The following items relate primarily to Willem de la Montagne, Johannes’ son.

"Baptismal and Marriage Registers of the Old Dutch Church of Kingston, Ulster County, New York, 1660-1809," transcribed and edited by Roswell R. Hoes, 1891.
+ Willem de la Montagne recorded many of the baptisms in the Kingston Dutch Reformed Church in 1675 and 1678. Pages 9-10.
+ Willem Monjeur de la Montagne and Leonora de Hooges, daughter Ragel baptized July 21, 1674. Witnesses were Jacob Kip and Eva Swartwoudts. Page 9.
+ Willem Menjeur de La Montagne and Eleonora de Hoges, son Willem baptized Dec. 15, 1678. Witnesses were Roelof Swartwout, Willem Asforbe and Jannetie Loperts. Page 11.
+ Willem Monjeur de la Montagne and Eleonora d’Hooges, son Johannes baptized Feb. 19, 1682. Witnesses were Roelof Swartwout, Johannes d’Hooges and Elsie Provoost. Page 16.
+ Willem de la Montaigne and Leonora de Hooges, daughter Eva baptized Sept. 23, 1683. Witnesses were Warnaar Hoornbeec and Thomas Swartwout. Page 20.
+ Willem de la Montaigne and Leonora de Hooges, son Jesse baptized Sept. 21, 1684. Witnesses were Walrave du Mon and Anna de Hooges. Page 22.
+ Willem de la Montaigne and Leonora de Hooges, daughter Eva baptized Nov. 7, 1686. Witnesses were Huybert Lambertz and Eva Albertz Bratz. Page 27.

"New York Historical Manuscripts: Dutch; Kingston Papers," translated by Dingman Versteeg, edited by Peter R. Christoph, Kenneith Scott and Kenn Stryker-Rodda Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., Baltimore, 1976.
+ Nov. 25, 1664: "Tomas Harmensen, farmer [of the excise], Plaintiff, vs. Gysbert Van Imbroch, Defendant. Plaintiff says that yesterday he announced to defendant that he would have him fined for smuggling and that the wine is confiscated. Defendant denies that plaintiff announced to him that he would have him fined, and says that for the wine, coming from the river bank, he obtained a permit from the farmer, and further that Willem Montagnie has declared an anker of wine, and thereupon requested an innkeeper’s license, whereupon the collector’s wife answered him that he did not need any further permit, because the wine had been declared. Plaintiff answers that, if yesterday, he did not announce to defendant htat he would have him fined, he does do so now before the hon. court, and further says that defendant was not permitted to store wine upon his permit, because defendant is a retailer of the wine and for that purpose has also taken out a license. Defendant denies being a tapster or retailer, and says that his brother-in-law Willem La Montagnie has said business, and also says that plaintiff has called him a usurer, taking 24 stivers for a mutje, and requests that plaintiff shall be punished for said calumny; which plaintiff does not deny having said. The hon. court adjourns the case till next session for the purpose of being better informed about this business." Vol. 1, page 179.
+ "We, the undersigned Gysbert Van Imbroch and Jan Willemsen Hoochteylingh, shepenen of the village of Wildwyck, make known and know that there appeared before us the worthy Aert Martensen Doorn, who declares to have rented of Mr. Willem La Montagnie a horse named the little black for the period of one current year, commencing on Dec. 11, 1664, and to terminate on Dec. 11, 1665, for which horse appearer promises to pay the lessor fo the lease for one current year 16 sch. of wheat, precisely at the termination of the lease. The appearer shall be obliged to against return the aforesaid horse to the lessor after expiration of the lease in the same condition as he has now received the same from him, being hale and sound, the risk for the said horse to be run by the appearer, either in regard to death or to loss owing to war or anything else. For which rent or loss of the aforenamed horse the appearer specially mortgages his dwelling at Wildwyck which is at the present occupied by the Heer Willem Beeckman, and further in general his person and other estate, personal and real, present and future [submitting the same] to the jurisdiction of all judges and courts renouncing by the present all exceptions or defences which might be in any way contrary to the present. For the purpose of legalizing the present, the appearer, besides ourselves, has signed the same with our own signatures, at Wildwyck this Dec. 11, 1664. The mark A M D of Aert Martensen Doorn made by himself. (signed) Gysbert Van Imbroch. The mark of Jan Willemsen Hoochteylingh. In my presence (signed) Mattheus Capito, Secretary.
"I acknowledge by this my signature that I have been satisfied for the contends of the aforenamed ‘scheepen knowledge’ of Aert Martensen Doorn, and therefore annul the aforestanding ‘sheepen knowledge.’ Done at Wildwyck, this Nov. 18, 1666. (signed) Wilh. d La Montag. Known to me, to which testifies, (signed) Mattheus Capito, Secretary." Vol. 1, page 187.
+ Sept. 7, 1665, extraordinary session: "Jacob Kip, brother-in-law of Mr. Gysbert Van Imbroch, deceased, shows the hon. court the last desire of the aforenamed deceased Van Imbroch, signed by said deceased himself, and also an authorization of the hon. Heer Johannes La Montange Sr., deceased’s father-in-law, containing that he beside Willem LaMontange (both being brothers-in-law of said deceased) have been expressly sent thither, for the purpose of supervising deceased Van Imbroch’s left estate and effects, because he left three minor children, and there besides requests that the hon. court be pleased to commission and appoint legal guardians for the same, for which reason the hon. court appoints the following guardians in accordance wit the authorization, appearing below and reading thus: ‘Whereas the person of Mr. Gysbert Van Imbroch, surgeon in this village of Wildwyck and widower of Rachel Monjeur DelaMontagne (who in the month of October of the past year 1664 in the aforenamed village died in the Lord) also died in the Lord on Aug. 19/29 last, leaving three minor children, a daughter named Lysbet now about six years old, two little sons, the eldest named Johannes about four years old, and the youngest named Gysbert about one year old, who necessarily ought to be taken care of and kept, out of the means and effects left by their parents. And whereas the deceased Mr. Van Imbroch on the same day of his death requested verbally and in writing that his left state should be inventoried and sealed up until the same time when the friends from the Manhatans should arrive for the purpose of then being done with by them, for the best interest of the minor children, as they should find to be necessary, therefore for this purpose were expressly sent off and have arrived here Jacob Kip and Willem Monjeur DelaMontange, both brothers-in-law of the said deceased who requested our court that legal guardians [might be appointed] over the aforesaid minor children left by deceased, [and said children] may be decently taken care of and kept, out of means left; and also that said means may be most faithfully administered, the credits and debits settled, and further that everything may be done necessary for the settlement of the estate. And whereas we deem it highly necessary, have after mature deliberation [whereas in these regions there are no nearer friends or acquaintances] in accordance with the aforesaid deceased’s last desire, commissioned and appointed as guardians, as, by the present, we do commission and appoint, the persons of Jacob Kip, Willem Monjeur DeLaMontange and the hon. Heer Willem Beeckman who are also authorized by the present [to act] as guardians over the aforenamed minor children, and they, guardians, may take possession of the aforenamed deceased’s goods, estate and effects as well here as in other sections of the world, sell, keep distribute, administer the same, as they shall think to be to the best interests of the minors, and further receive, demand and also pay all debits and credits, and for that purpose use all means necessary for the same, and further, in general, do and leave undone everything as is proper, provided they, the guardians (having been legally and properly invited for the purpose) shall render a proper accounting and proof of their administration and of the relics. Thus enacted at the session of the hon. court at Wildwyck on the day and in the year as above." Vol. 1, page 246-247.
+ Jan. 19, 1666: "Henderick Palingh, Farmer, Plaintiff, vs. Willem Beeckman, Schout, Defendant. Plaintiff says that defendant received ½ aem of wine of Willem Montagnie and that defendant did not ay the king’s excise for the same. Also that defendant has been at the same time schout, tapster and excise master. Defendant answers that he bought said wine in August last of Montagnie for which the excise had been declared to the former farmer and, there being no farmer at the time, he has been permitted by the court, by the order and written instructions of the hon. Ld. Gov. Genl., to put down the excise, and that the payment should take place at his honor’s arrival, as has been done, on account of which defendant maintains that he cannot be prosecuted by plaintiff for [not] getting a permit from plaintiff. Defendant further answers that he is schout, as per his commission of the hon. Ld. Gov. Genl., and that he retailed said ½ aem of wine, but that he did not sell the same to be drunk on his premises; and [in regard to the assertion] that at the same time he should have been excise-master, says not having been excise master, but that he only took notice of the excise until the hon. Ld. Gov. Genl’s arrival. The hon. court decides whereas the ½ aem of wine was received by defendant before plaintiff’s time as farmer [of the excise], the excise of the same having been declared and paid to the former farmer and also whereas defendant kept book of the excise as per instructions of the hon. Ld. Gov. Genl., therefore plaintiff may issue to himself a permit for removal, Willem Montagnie being absent at the time of whom he bought said ½ aem of wine. It is also decided whereas in the fatherland a country-schout is permitted to retail liquors, therefore a country-schout here is at liberty to follow the same business. Further, plaintiff asks whether the anker of wine lately removed from his house and delivered to Louwies Dubois was [thus removed] by the order of the hon. court. The hon. court answers ‘Yes,’ because he, plaintiff, notwithstanding the pronounced judgment, was backward, and unwilling to deliver said anker to Louwies DuBois, and therefore the schout, with captain Broadhead’s knowledge, had said anker of wine removed." Vol. 1, page 270-271.
+ Jan. 26, 1666: "Montagnie, Plaintiff, vs. Pieter Hillebrants, Defendant. Plaintiff as guardian of the minor children of the deceased Mr. Gysbert Van Imbroch demands of defendant 12 sch. of wheat as per obligation dated Nov. 27, 1664, to be paid in the month of October 1665. Defendant admits the debt and requests to keep said money at interest. The hon. court orders defendant to satisfy plaintiff’s demand." Vol. 1, page 273.
+ Jan. 26, 1666: "Willem Montagnie, Plaintiff, vs. Henderick Cornelissen, Lyndrayer, Defendant. Absent. Default." Vol. 1, page 273.
+ Jan. 26, 1666: "Willem Montagnie, Plaintiff, vs. Aert Martensen Doorn, Defendant. Absent. Default." Vol. 1, page 273.
+ March 23, 1666: "Willem Montagnie, Plaintiff, vs. Jan Jansen Amersfort, Defendant. Absent. Default." Vol. 1, page 287.
+ June 7, 1666: "Willem La Montagnie requests by a petition that, at the request of many residents here, he may be permitted to keep a day and evening school here, and besides, that no other school may be permitted but his, and also that he may be exempt from lodging soldiers. The hon. court grants petitioner’s request under condition that he shall be reasonable in his charges of school money and be obliged to keep up the school for one year." Vol. 1, page 298.
+ Feb. 26/March 8, 1667: "Reyndert Pietersen, Plaintiff, vs. Evert Pels, Defendant. Plaintiff demands of defendant the amount of 145 gldrs. in beavers, as per balance. Defendant answers having a bill against this, and says the above settlement can be paid in sewan, and further that he paid five beavers and 30 planks on said bill. The hon. court refers parties to two good men and impartial, viz., to Herderick Jochemsen and Willem Montagnie, for the purpose, and, if not, parties shall again address the court at the next session with the report of the good men." Vol. 1, pages 337-338.
+ Feb. 26/March 8, 1667: "Willem Montagnie, Plaintiff, vs. Aert Martensen Doorn, Defendant. Absent. Default." Vol. 1, page 340.
+ Feb. 26/March 8, 1667: "Willem Montagnie, Plaintiff, vs. Harmen Hey, Defendant. Absent. Default." Vol. 1, page 340.
+ Feb. 26/March 8, 1667: "Whereas on Feb. 16/26 ult. Henderick Cornelissen, Lyndraejer, has been wounded in the abdomen by Willem Visscher, soldier, and on Feb. 21/Mar. 3 next died of this wound, and deceased, leaving neither friends nor last will, therefore Mattheus Capito, having been in copartnership with deceased, requests the hon. court to appoint curators for the estate left by the deceased. In compliance with the above request Roelof Swartwout and Willem La Montagnie are requested by the hon. court, and authorized [to act as] curators of the estate left by the deceased Henderick Cornelissen, Lyndraejer." Vol. 1, page 341.
+ March 12/22, 1667: "Dirrick Jansen Schepmoes, Plaintiff, vs. Jan Joosten, Defendant. Plaintiff says that about 2½ years ago, while wrestling, defendant’s son broke plaintiff’s leg, and requests that defendant shall pay the doctor’s bill for the same, being according to the claim of Willem Montagnie, guardian for the minor children of Gysbert Van Imbrock, deceased, six sch. of wheat. Defendant answers if plaintiff had right away acquainted him with the same, he might then have given him into the doctor’s care on as advantageous terms as possible. The hon. court decides, whereas plaintiff broke his leg by wrestling, therefore he is denied his demand." Vol. 1, page 342.
+ Aug. 27/Sept. 6, 1667: "Willem LaMontagne vs. …" Vol. 1, page 259.
+ Aug. 27/Sept. 6, 1667: "Willem La Montagnie asks by petition for salary because in the absence of a preacher he is filling both places that of fore-reader and fore-singer in the church here. Petitioner is granted by the hon. court for his office of fore-reader, in the absence of a preacher, an annual salary of 500 gldrs. light money, over and above his salary as fore-singer, besides free rent; petitioner is permitted to occupy the front part of the village-house and one-half of the upper floor, the hon. court reserving the back portion of the house besides the other half of the upper floor and the cellar to its own use, petitioner’s salary to commence from the time that Dom. Blom severed his connection with the congregation here and departed." Vol. 1, page 360.
+ Nov. 8, 1667, New Style: "Mattheu Blanchan appeared at this session, notified the court that a certain amount of money was owing to him by Hend. Cornelis Lynd., deceased, and that Roelof Swartwout, having been appointed curator of the deceased’s estate, is a man without means, and all his property having been mortgaged he is, on that account, poor, wherefore he is not fit to administer the people’s estates, and for the sake of securing himself and other creditors, requests to have him discharged or dismissed. Mattheu Blanchan will have to address the appointed curators Swartwout and Montagnie in regard to his claim, and in case of refusal of payment can address the court for the purpose of forcing them." Vol. 1 pages 371-372.
+ Nov. 5/15, 1667: "Anna Hardenbroeck, Plaintiff, vs. Reynr. Van Coelen, Defendant. Plaintiff shows an obligation against defendant amounting to 747 gldrs., and says that her husband has more than once settled here at Esopus with defendant, so that he still owes honestly 641 gldrs., which plaintiff at present demands. Defendant admits having passed the obligation, and says having paid 250 gldrs. on the same, and demands account and satisfaction for 358 lbs. of sole leather and upper leather delivered to her husband, still 30 pairs of men’s shoes, further still delivered 358 of upper leather, further some calf skins, also a mirror with four silver plates. Plaintiff replies and still demands the balance of 641 gldrs. with costs, and says that defendant shall go to Manhatans and that her husband, in the presence of the impartial shoemakers, shall give him the remaining shoes and satisfaction for the delivered leather. Regarding the mirror, says that defendant’s wife gave the same to her to take care of, is ready to return the same. The hon. court orders defendant to pay plaintiff the demanded 641 gldrs. with costs, because Willem Montagne declares that when he wrote the obligation at the request of Abel Hardenbroeck in the presence of Reyner Van Coelen for the remaining debt of 641 gldrs., said Van Coelen was satisfied with the same. But what defendant is abel to prove having paid after said date, he is permitted to deduct. In regard to his pretence about the delivered leather, defendant is referred to Abel Hardenbroeck to whom he delivered the same, for the purpose of settling with him, because [the court] only see a bill of defendant but no contract of what defendant says Abel Hardenbroeck has agreed about with him." Vol. 1, page 373-374.
+ Nov. 5/15, 1667: "Matth. Capito, vendue-master, ex-officio, Plaintiff, vs. Roelof Swartout, Defendant. Willem Montagnie appeared because Matt. Capito is absent. Demands of defendant for the sale of a horse, bought at vendue, the amount of 60 sch. of wheat; which horse had been mortgaged by Pieter Hillebrants to N. De Mayer for 44 sch. of wheat. Defendant says having bought the horse direct of Pieter Hillebrants, but not at vendue or as highest bidder, and says in regard to this matter not to have anything to do with Matt. Capito, unless he has a power of attorney of Pieter Hillebrants, but admits having bought the same for 60 sch. of wheat, and still to owe 34 sch. of wheat for the same, because Pieter Hillebrants owed him 26 sch. of wheat. Plaintiff requests in case it shall be proved that the horse was bought at vendue, defendant shall be ordered to pay. Defendant Swartwout is ordered to pay the admitted 34 sch. of wheat to Mr. Nicolas De Meyer, or by default, Mr. De Meyer is authorized to have the horse again publicaly sold by virtue of his mortgage." Vol. 1, page 374.
+ Dec. 10/20, 1667: "The Schout Beeckman, Plaintiff, vs. Poul Poulsen, Defendant. Plaintiff demands of defendant 25 gldrs. 10 st. balance of settlement for drawing his knife. Defendant denies owing as much, and says having settled for two sch. of wheat. Willem Montagnie, having been called in, declares having settled with the officer at defendant’s request for six sch. of wheat. Defendant is ordered to pay the demanded 25 gldrs. 10 st. and defendant is further sentenced to pay six gldrs. fine for having beaten Van Coelen in the presence of the officer and of commissary Hend. Jochems." Vol. 2, page 383.
+ Dec. 10/20, 1667: "Willem Montagnie presents a petition wherein he requests to be paid the salary promised to him, and also to be invested with the office of secretary and vendue-master. The hon. court shall see to it that petitioner’s promised salary be paid, and entered in the book. With the appointment of a secretary will be waited, for cause." Vol. 2, page 384.
+ April 21, 1668: "Willem Montagne, Plaintiff, vs. Marretie Hans, Defendant. Plaintiff demands of defendant, as attorney for Hermen Vedder, 170 gldrs. heavy money, as per obligation whereof have been paid 17 sch. of oats and two sch. of wheat. He also demands for himself 127 gldrs. Defendant admits the debt. The hon. court ordered defendant to satisfy plaintiff’s demand, as well in regard to the balance of the obligation as his personal claim of 127 gldrs. in sewan." Vol. 2, pages 407-408.
+ April 21, 1668: "Willem Montagnie again requests in a petition to the hon. magistrates to be favored with the office of secretary and vendue-master, because he cannot remain on his small salary as Voorleser. The hon. court appoints petitioner to the office of Secretary, at a provisional salary of 100 gldrs. in sewan per annum." Vol. 2, page 409.
+ September 1668: "[With the entry below, Secretary Montagne’s handwriting commences:] On Sept. … the hon. Lord Gov. Francois Lovelace decreed a day of fasting and prayer which is to be held on …" the first full entry covers an extraordinary session on Sept. 26, 1668. vol. 2, page 409.
+ Oct. 26, 1668: "W. Montagnie as attorney for Mr. Abraham Staets, Plaintiff, vs. Geertruy Andries [and Jan Hendricks], Defendants. Plaintiff demands of defendant 120 sch. of wheat by virtue of an assignment, passed to Cornelis Wynkoop to be paid from the second installment for the farm, dated Oct. 11, 1667. … Defendant is ordered to pay plaintiff the demanded 120 sch. of wheat …" Vol. 2, page 414.
+ Nov. 17/27, 1668: "Cornelis Hoogeboom requests by a petition to be permitted to keep evening school. The hon. court decides whereas Wilh. La Montagnie has been appointed, and he does it winter and summer, and petitioner is unwilling to do it in summer, therefore nobody else will be permitted to keep school in winter." Vol. 2, page 416.
+ Nov. 17/27, 1668: "The Heer Wilh. Beecqman and Wilh. La Montagne as guardians of the minor children of the deceased Gysbert Van Imborch show an order signed by the Lord Governor Richard Nicolls wherein the magistrates are commanded to pay from the common village taxes the back rent for three years of the house of the children, inhabited by the officer of the troops." Vol. 2, page 416.
+Jan. 25, 1668/9: "The hon. Heer Wilh. Beecqman and Wilh. Montagnie, as guardians aforenamed, request in compliance with the order of the Lord Governor that an arrangement shall be made for the back rent of the children’s house, occupied by the officer of the troops. Their honors of the court promise to pay 200 gldrs. per annum, amounting for 3½ years to 600 gldrs. And it is further ordered that said amount shall be found by taxing horses and cows, three years old and older, but not below." Vol. 2, page 422.
+ March 9, 1668/9: "W. Montagne, Plaintiff, vs. Pieter Gillesen, Defendant. Plaintiff demands of defendant a sum of 35 gldrs. as per account. Defendant admits owing 26 gldrs., and says that the balance of 9 gldrs. for clerking does not concern him. Plaintiff proves through Van der Coelen that he agreed to pay, except 1 gldr. 10 st. The hon. court orders defendant to pay plaintiff the demanded amount except 1 gldr. 10 st., till further proof by plaintiff, with the costs of the present." Vol. 2, page 427.
+ April 27, 1669: "W. Montagne requests a place to erect a distillery near the water. The hon. court permits him to select a place he deems fit, under approbation of the Lord General." Vol. 2, page 433.
+ Jan. 11, 1669/70: "Cornelis Wynkoop, Plaintiff, vs. W. Montagne, Defendant. Parties have settled." Vol. 2, page 437.
+ Jan. 11, 1669/70: "Gommert Poulissen, Plaintiff, vs. Roelof Swartwout and Willem Montagne, as administrators of the estate of Hendrick Cornelis, Defendants." Vol. 2, page 438. [Footnote from page 750: " ‘Poulissen vs. Swartwout and Montagne, Defendants.’ No further information is given about the case. It appears at the bottom of a page in the Dutch records; perhaps there was another page, now lost, or perhaps the secretary failed to complete the record."]
+ Feb. 1, 1670/1: "Willem Montagne as attorney for Sweer Teunessen requests that the grain of Claes Tuenessen and Gerrit Cornelissen shall be attached until the rent shall have been paid because they have already occupied the farm for two years and did not yet pay. The hon. Court orders that Claes Teunessen and Gerrit Cornelissen shall not remove any grain from the farm until the rest shall have been paid to Sweer Tuenessen." Vol. 2 page 453.
+ Feb. 1, 1670/1: "Wilh. Montagne requests to be appointed vendue-master because the secretary who preceded him also had the office. The hon. court appoints the secretary to be vendue-master, because Secretary Capito also had the office." Vol. 2, page 455.
+ Sept. 8, 1671: Henderick Palingh was on trial for stabbing Tierck Claesen. "Jorge Hal and Willem Montagne are surety that Mr. Palings shall again appear when wanted." Vol. 2, page 466.
+ Dec. 17, 1671: "The hon. Heer Schout Grevenraedt, Plaintiff, vs. Mattue Blansjan, Defendant. Plaintiff, ex officio, because Mattue Blansjan has up to now failed to close his portion in the curtains, demands the fine, according to the decree. Defendant says that, according to the decree, he has closed his portion as far as Capt. Chambers has pointed out to him, which he agrees to prove. The hon. court orders Hendrick Jochemsen and Alberdt Jansen to go and measure the lot of Mattue Blansjan and W. Montagne, who find that each has set up the same quantity, and that yet about three feet are to be filled. The hon. court orders Mattue Blansjan to pay the fine as per the decree, because he did not close his lot, and has been warned several times to close it up, and in regard to the remaining three feet Willem Montagne and Mattue Blansjan shall each make up one half of the same." Vol. 2, page 471.
+ Feb. 27, 1671/2: Wildwyck’s official sent a letter to New York’s Lord Governor General Francis Lovelace because a number of potentially violent disputes had arisen in the village. "Therefore, we humbly request of your honor that we may receive full instruction, in accordance with which we shall have to act. … We have, for this purpose, delegated from our midst Schout Grevenraedt and Willem Montagne, in orders to humbly request your honor very reverentially to take measure in regard to the same as soon as possible, because, under existing condition, justice cannot be maintained." Vol. 2, page 478.
+ July 27, 1672: "The Heer Thoomas De Lavall requests, whereas the hon. Lord general is engaged in repairing the fort, and whereas there is war, and the vessels have been attached in Holland, and on account thereof there is great scarcity of money, therefore their honors are requested to voluntarily subscribe like all other villages. List of those who have voluntarily subscribed toward repairing of the fort: … W. Montaigne, 10 sch. … Harmen Hendrix, 6 sch. … Roelof Swartwout, 8 sch. … Jan Gerritsen, 8 sch." Vol. 2, page 482.
+ Feb. 18, 1672/3: "Arend Jansz Ramaker, Plaintiff, vs. Willem Montagne, as attorney for Sweer Teunisz., Defendant. Plaintiff, by virtue of an obligation by Sweer Teunisz, demands the quantity of 170 sch. The defendant produces a sample of grain of Sweer Teunisz’s crop, which the court has examined and judged merchantable, on account whereof plaintiff is obliged to accept it." Vol. 2, page 491.
+ Feb. 18, 1672/3: "Cornelis Wynkoop, Plaintiff, vs. Willem Montagne, Defendant. Plaintiff demands by virtue of mortgage, dated May 1, 1664, the interest to date, because the interest and the mortgage have not been set aside. Defendant by virtue of a power of attorney, says that not interest is due, because the mortgage only ran four years. The hon. court decides, whereas Cornelis Wynkoop at the expieration of the four years did not legally enforce the payment of the interest on the mortgage given to Albert Gysberts by said Wyncoop, therefore he, Wyncoop, will lose the further interest and cannot claim it, there more so because the mortgage would have had to be renewed so that he might be entitled to claim anything." Vol. 2, pages 492-493.
+ March 17, 1672/3: "Arendt Jansen, Plaintiff, vs. W. Montagne, as attorney for Sweer Teunessen, Defendant. Plaintiff demands of defendant 57 sch. of wheat. Defendant admits debt." Vol. 2, page 498.
+ March 17, 1672/3: "W. Montagnie, as attorney for Sweer Teunessen, Plaintiff, vs. Cornelis Fynhoudt, Defendant. Plaintiff demands of defendant the quantity of 45 sch. of wheat. Defendant admits debt." Vol. 2, page 498.
+ In August 1672, Kingston officials received word that the Dutch had recaptured New York and they submitted "to the authority of their High Mightinesses the Lords States General of the United Netherlands and his serene Highness the Prince of Orange." Vol. 2, page 500.
+ Aug. 26, 1673: "On this August 26, 1673, their honors of the hon. court summoned some of the oldest burghers for the purpose of being advised by them concerning the making of suggestions to the rigorous council of war, as per the order of Pr. Becker. It is further ordered that the burghers shall submit their advice in writing within twice 24 hours and take it to the Secretary. It was further resolved that the court shall again meet on Tuesday for the purpose of electing delegates.
"Their honors of the court at Kingston has appointed and delegated the Commissary Joost Adriaensen and Secretary W. Montagne for the purpose of treating as delegates to the Noble rigorous council of war concerning any business which should be necessary and of service to this place. Therefore we commission as we are doing by the present the aforesaid persons, instructing them to act in accordance with the instructions given them and putting confidence in their faithfulness and piety." Vol. 2, page 501.
+ May 11, 1674: "The Secretary Montagne requests of the hon. court payment for his rendered services as secretary, it having now been in arrears for upward of one year." Vol. 2, page 514.
+ Dec. 20, 1674: Kingston officials were informed that they were released from their oath to their High Mightinesses and the Prince of Orange and returned to English rule.
+ Below Dec. 20, 1674, appears the following: "On this 26th day of September appeared before me W. Montagne Secretary of Swaenenburgh, Aert Martensen Doorn," who was transferring a farm to Reynier Van der Coelen. Vol. 2, page 522.
+ Jan. 12, 1674/5: "W. Montagne as Vendue Master, Plaintiff, vs. Madalena Dirx, Defendant. Plaintiff says that when he came to remind her of the debt contracted at the vendue for the Lord Governor Anthony Colve on account of a cow she had bought, she hit him with her first on his chest and said that she did not intend to pay. Harmon Hendrix says that he does not intend ot pay until further orders. The hon. court orders defendant to pay, besides the expenses." Vol. 2, page 523.
+ April 7, 1664: "Conditions and terms whereupon by ‘Lord’s Execution’ will now be sold, for nonpayment for the second time, the horse bought on Apr. 7 at ‘Lord’s Execution’ by Tjerck Claesen De Wit. 1) The payment shall be made in good deliverable winter wheat, the sch. valued at three gldrs., the same to be promptly paid within four days after the date of the present, the same to be delivered at the officer’s house. 2) The stiver money shall be remain to the charge of the purchaser. Thus enacted at Wildwyck this December 3, 1664, in the presence of Thomas Chambers and Jan Willemsen Hoochteylingh, Commissaries. Willem Beeckman bids 100 gldrs.; Willem Montagnie increases the same to 105 gldrs. This is [by the auctioneer] increased with 200 gldrs., the 105 gldrs. remaining fixed, and said 200 gldrs. are bid down to 51 gldrs., and Willem Montagnie becomes buyer for 156 gldrs." Vol. 2, page 551.
+ Sept. 1, 1665: "Inventory taken of the effects of Mr. Gysbert Van Imbroch. … two new green blankets belonging to Willem Montagnie … a narrow silver and gold band wound around a little piece of wood belonging to W. Montagnie … A yellow medicine chest with some contents, in which medicine chest are deposited in the lower second portion the separation, division, settlement and valuation of the estate and income belonging to the orphans of Rachel De Foreest, deceased. Further account and declaration of the receipts and expenditures before the orphan chamber of the city of Leyden, had and made in regard to the effects of revenues belonging to the children left by Rachel De Foreest, procreated with Jan Mony De la Montagne. A white medicine chest with some contents. … a half aem (20 gallons) of anisette belonging to W. La Montagnie." Vol. 2, pages 566-568.
+ Sept. 9, 1665, N.S.: "Conditions and terms whereupon the effects of the deceased Mr. Gysbert Van Imbroch, surgeon, will be publicly sold to the highest bidder by the appointed guardians of the minor children. … Willem Montagnie – a flint lock with the game bag, 68 gldrs." Vol. 2, page 571.
+ Nov. 12, 1665, N.S.: "On this November 12, N.S., of the year 1665, appeared before me, Mattheus Capito, Secretary of the village of Wildwyck, the worthy persons Willem La Montagnie and Aet Martensen Doorn, who declare in the presence of the below-named witnesses that they, the appearers, have entered into a new agreement, and that the previous ‘schepen knowledge’ dated Dec. 11, 1664, passed by said Aert Maertensen Doorn in favor of the said Willem La Montagnie has been extended (the aforesaid ‘schepen knowledge’ remaining in full force) for the period of one current year, commencing on Dec. 11, 1665, and to terminate on Dec. 10, 1666, wherewith they, the appearers, declare to be satisfied, under obligations as per law. And therefore, the appearers, besides Henderick Jochemsen and Jan Jansen Blecker, as witnesses invited and requested for the purpose, have signed the present with their own hand, at Wildwyck on the day and in the year mentioned before. (Signed) Willem De la Montagne, the mark AMD of Aert Martensen Doorn. (Signed) Hendrick Jochems., Jan Janz Bleecker. In my presence, (signed) Mattheus Capito, Secretary." Vol. 2, page 581.
+ May 22, 1666, Thomas Chambers "let out" to Ariaen Gerretsen Van Vliet, and his wife Eechie Ariaens, two draft horses for the period of one year, ending May 25, 1667. Van Vliet pledged a heifer and a bull as collateral. Something must have happened before the end of the lease period because the follow note appears below the agreement. "I, the undersigned Wilh. D La Montagne, agree to comply with the above contract, under condition that the two heads of cattle which has been pledged shall be pledged to me. For this purpose, I pledge my person and estate, movable and immovable, submitting them to all courts and judges. Executed this May 2, 1667, at Wildwyck in the presence of the hon. Wilh. Beeckman and Jan Joosten. (Signed) Wilh. Beeckman, Jan Joosten, Wilh. D LaMontagne." Vol. 2, page 607.
+ March 2/12, 1667: Auction of good from the estate of H. Cornelissen, Lyndraejer, deceased. "Willem Montagnie: a few bunches of hatcheted hemp, 8 gldrs. … Bidders for the parcel of land are: Louwies Dubois, 150 gldrs.; Willem Montagnie, 180 gldrs.; Roelof Swartwout, 200 gldrs.; Jan Oosterhout, 210 gldrs. Mattheus Capito, 220 gldrs.; Albert Jansen, 230 gldrs.; Willem Beeckman, 240 gldrs.; "Willem Montagnie, 250 gldrs.; Albert Govertsen, 260 gldrs.; Willem Montagnie, 270 gldrs.; Willem Beeckman, 280 gldrs.; Jan Van Oosterhout, 290 gldrs. These 290 gldrs. remain fixed and are increased by the auctioneer with 300 gldrs. which are bid down to 31 gldrs., and Roelof Swartwout became purchaser for 321 gldrs." Vol. 2, page 640.
+ April 4, 1667, N.S.: Reynier Van der Coele, who is indebted to the hon. Heer Willem Beeckman for 55 beaver skins, "the balance of the purchase money for a negro." Van der Coele mortgages "a little house and lot in the village of Wildwyck, at present inhabited by Willem Montagnie," as well as two horses and a cow. Vol. 2, page 650.
+ April 1/11, 1667: Thomas Chambers, resident of Wildwyck, conveys to Abraham Staats his house and lot in the village of Beverwyck. Witnessed by Willem La Montagne and Gerret Fooken. Vol. 2, page 652.
+ May 15, 1670: "Appeared before the below named witnesses W. De La Montagne and Jan Cornelis, who constitute themselves principal securities for the amount of 50 sch. of wheat which Martie Damens has drawn from under the hands of Cornelis Wynckoop, having fallen to the share of Jan Jacobsen Stold, for the account of Geertruydt Andriesen, which money Marritie Damens will have to return in case of the law suit, that the children may inherit before the payment of the debts. And in case she does not furnish security the sureties shall have to do so, but said sureties shall again be reimbursed by Martie Daemons, under obligation as per law, this May 15, in the presence of Claes Lock and [not executed and full of erasures, the whole being almost unintelligible]." Vol. 2, page 679.
+ May 18, 1670: "Appeared before the below named witnesses Marretie Damens, who takes at interest from Roelof Swartwout, being the guardian of the child named Jan Jacobsen Stol, a quantity of 50 sch. of wheat for which she is to pay ten percent annually, commencing this day. And for the same she pledges her person and estate, and also furnishes as counter-securities W. Montagne and Jan Cornelis, to again return the amount with the interest at the end of the year, this may 18, 1670, and the aforesaid counter-securities pledge their persons and estates in the presence of Claes Lock and Paulus Cornelis, at Kingston. (Signed) Marrien Damen, W. Montagne, Jan Cornelis. (Signed) Claes Clock, as witness." Vol. 2, pages 269-270.
+ June 23, 1670: "Appeared before me, W. La Montagne, Secretary for the hon. court at Kingston, and the afternamed witnesses, Hendrick Aertsen and W. La Montagne, Secretary, who have been constituted attorneys for Hans Carelson, who have sold to W. Dumont a lot next to said Dumont’s with everything fixed in the ground and fastened by nail to the same for the quantity of 24 sch. of rye and the value of the same in grain at market prices. Which quantity Dumont is to pay next February and then the grantors are held to deliver a free and unencumbered conveyance. Parties promising to comply with the foregoing under obligations as per law in the presence of Anthony Telpa and Jan Roy as witnesses invited for the purpose this June 23, 1670. (Signed W. Montagne, Wallerand Dumond. (Signed) this is the mark ~ of Anthony Telpa, Jan Roy." Vol. 2, page 683.
+ "Appeared before me, W. Montagne, Secretary for the hon. court at Kingston, Minges Manuel who declares to really and actually owe Mr. Gorge Hal the amount of 383 gldrs. 14 st. as is evident from the judgment by the hon. court here, together with the costs. And whereas Minges Manuel is not able to furnish the payment, therefore the said Mingus binds himself to faithfully serve said Mr. Hall for one year, for the amoung of 500 gldrs., two pairs of stockings and one pair of shoes, and is obliged to enter upon his service on June 26, 1672, and not to quit until the year shall have expired, and he is to behave properly as a faithful servant. Kingston, this February 13, 1671, in the presence of Robbert Biggerstaf and Cornelis Hogeboom. W. Montagne is security that Miggus Negro shall enter upon his service in case he is in good health and alive. (Signed) Robert Bickerstaffe. (Signed) this is the mark of Minges Manuel, by himself." Vol. 2, page 717-718.
+ Probably December 1672: This item appears to concern a real estate auction. It follows two entries about the sale of a horse mill by Pieter Cornelissen, but appears to be unrelated. "W. Montagne, 1700 gldrs.; Mr. LaVall, 2000 gldrs. 2000 gldrs. [Increase by the auctioneer]. Mr. De LaVall takes it for 3000 gldrs." Vol. 2, page 727.
+ "Appeared before us, the undersigned witnesses, Jacob Kip, Wilh. Beecqman and Wilhem Montagne, in their quality of guardians of the minor children of the deceased Gysbert Van Imbrogh of the first part and Mr. Gorge Hall of the second part who declare having agreed regarding the sale of the children’s house with everything fastened in the ground and fixed by nail as also the lot and the garden.. Which house and lot Mr. Hal is to receive on May 1 next. For which Mr. Hall will and must pay an amount of 1,800 gldrs. in any grain excepting maize at current prices, in three installments or payments, the first, being 400 gldrs., immediately, and the other payment being 700 gldrs. in the coming winter of this current year, in the month of February, and the remaining 700 gldrs. just one year after the second payment in February of the year 1674. Then the said guardians shall grant a free and unencumbered conveyance, excepting the Lord’s rights. N.B. The guardians, also, will have to deliver the curtain appertaining to the same, at present in a satisfactory condition. And after the curtain shall have been delivered in a satisfactory state, they will be no longer responsible for the same. Promise to comply with the foregoing under obligations as per law and have subscribed to the same in the presence of the aforenamed witnesses this March 26, 1673, at Kingston. (Signed) Wallerand DuMont, B. Bayard, Jacob Kip, W. Montagne, Wilh. Beeckman, G. Hall." Vol. 2, page 733.
+ March 27, 1673: "Be it known that before us, commissaries of the court at Kingston, there has appeared W. Monsjeur De La Montagne, son of the old, deceased Johannes Monsjeur De La Montagne, and of Ragen DeForeest. That said Wilhem Monsjeur De la Montagne has granted to Mr. Gabriel Minville, merchant at New York, a bill of exchange for 300 gldrs. of Holland money, reckoned at 20 st. per gldr., and that Mr. Minville or his order shall receive the same. Therefore the aforesaid Wilhem Monsjeur De La Montagne constitutes and confers full power of attorney, as he is doing by the present, upon his guardians or friends, Mr. Johannes Panhuysen and Mr. Davidt DeGoy, living in the city of Leyden, to draw, in his behalf and in the constituent’s name, from the orphan-court of the said city, from the money coming to him, the aforesaid 300 gldrs. and to deliver the same, as per the bill of exchange, to Mr. Gabriel Minville or his order. Promising to hold valid whatever shall be done by them in said affair. In testimony have subscribed to the present with my own hand, besides the hon. commissaries Cornelis Wyncoop and Joost Adriaensen this March 27, 1673, at Kingston, in the Esopus. [The above instrument was not executed.]" Vol. 2, pages 733-734.

"History of the City of New York in the Seventeenth Century," by Mrs. Schuyler Van Rensselaer, New York, 1909.
+ Concerning Capt. Underhill, a military leader in New Amsterdam: "In early days Underhill had expressed for the savages a more Christian and pitiful feeling than the average New Englander left; but after his success on Long Island he killed three of his red captives and brought two to New Amsterdam where they were barbarously tortured and slain in the street in the presence of many lamenting squaws. It was said that Governor Kieft and Councillor La Montagne watched this hideous performance with approval, and that a white woman, Jan Jansen Dam’s wife – Van Tienhoven’s mother-in-law and mother of Jan Vinje – kicked before her a severed head. Moreover, in defiance of local custom and sentiment Kieft sent some of his Indian captives as a present to the governor of Bermuda and gave others to certain old soldiers whom he ‘improvidently’ permitted to return at this time to Holland." Page 235.

"Ulster County, N.Y., Probate Records," Vol. 1, by Gustave Anjou, New York, 1906.
+ "Page 300. – Sept. 7, 1665. – Jacob Kip, brother-in-law of Mr. Gysbert Van Imbrock (surgeon of Wildwyck, widower of Rachel Monjeur de la Montagne (who died Oct., 1664), who also died Aug. 19/29, last, leaving three minor children, a daughter named Lysbet, now about 6 years old, two small sons, the eldest named Johannes, about 4 years old, and Gysbert, about 1 year old), deceased, brought to the court ‘the last wishes of said deceased, signed by said deceased, and also an authorization from Johannes La Montagne, Sr., father-in-law of said deceased, that they administer to the estate, the deceased having left three minor children.’ The court appointed Jacob Kip and Johannes la Montagne guardians of the children." Page 22-23.
+ At a sale of Gysbert van Imbroch’s estate in September 1665, Willem Montagnie purchased "A flint lock with the game bag and mold for balls" for 68 guilders. Page 26.
+ Willem de la Montagne is listed as Kingston’s secretary in documents dated between Aug. 26, 1671 (page 35) and April 30, 1688 (page 48).

"New Amsterdam and Its People," by J.H. Innes, New York, 1902.
+ From an account of Hendrick and Jacob Kip: "Jacob Kip, the second of these brothers, was a man of considerable activity and enterprise. His marriage, in 1654, to Marie de la Montagne, daughter of Doctor Jean (or Johannes, using the Latinized form, by which he was generally known) de la Montagne, seems to have served her in the way of advancement, his wife’s father – a French Huguenot, and a man of eduation – having stood high in the favor of Kieft and of the Directors of the West India Company." Page 40.
+ From an account of land leased by Cornelis van Tienhoven: "Bout Francen, the former lessee, having been provided with a lease of Johannes la Montagne’s bouwery of Vredendal (at the north end of the present Central Park), from which, in the course of a few months, he was routed out by the Indians." Page 315

Following is an account of the family that focuses on the property that eventually became part of Harlem in New York City.

"Revised History of Harlem," by James Riker, New Harlem Publishing Co., New York, 1904.
+ "Saintonge was one of the provinces lying within the Bay of Biscay, and which, owing to the tendency of the Huguenots during their protracted trouble to remove from the interior into the marine districts and towns, became crowded with refugees, and were a principal theatre of the bloody civil wars. Saintogne was the birthplace of our ‘very learned’ Dr. Johannes De La Montagne, whose history will contribute much of interest to these pages. La Montagne was not his family name, but an adjunct which finally took the place of the former, and was originally derived, - as correlative facts seem to indicate, - from La Montagne, a district of Burgundy. But Dr. La Montagne was called a Santo, which is the provincial designation for a native of Saintonge, - akin to that or Norman, Picard, etc. His birth happening in 1595, but three years before the Edict of Nantes restored order to the realm and peace to the Huguenots,- and under which emigration mostly ceased up to the death of Henry IV.,- it is highly probably that La Montagne left France somewhere within the ten years of public unrest succeeding the murder of the king, and culminating in the last civil wars under Louis XIII., which opened in 1620. Prior to that date, however, La Montagne and others of his family were enjoying peace and security in Holland. He therefore knew as little personally of these latter wars as he did of the earlier troubles which preceded the Edict of Nantes. Among our French refugee families his was the first to become exiles. We speak irrespective of the Walloon families, of whom the first to flee their country were those of De Forest and Vrmilye, the latter in the troubles of the sixteenth century, taking refuge in England." Page 48.
+ [Page 76] "Another district, called the Gasthuys Vierendeel (Almshouse Quarter), had on the north side the Rhine below the junction of its two branches, upon the south the Breedestraat, and to the east the Wanthuys Quarter. …
"In the Gasthuys Quarter lived a Walloon named Jesse De Forest. He was one of the exiles from Avesnes, in the province of Hainault, as already noticed, driven by the perils of the times to take refuge at Sedan; and whence the De Forests, after a sojourn there apparently of some years, had removed down the Maas to Holland.
"Jesse, Jean, Michael and Gerard, recognized as brothers, a found at Leyden, with a sister Jeanne, whose husband was one Cartier, from Columbier, France. The De Forests stood prominent among the French refugees. Jesse and Gerard, of whom only we shall need to speak further, were by occupation dryers. It was their subtle art which imparted beauty and value to those useful fabrics displayed and sold at the Zaay Hall. Gerard, whose birthplace was Avesnes, married at Leyden, on August 12th, 1611, a young lady of French parentage, but born here, Hester, daughter of Crispin and Agnes de la Grange, the latter now a widow. Surviving his marriage forty-five years, he was blessed with a goodly competence and in seeing his children respectably married at Leyden. His brother, Jesse, had brought a wife with him to Holland, Marie Du Cloux, whom he probably married at Sedan, as his eldest son was born there. Five children that reached maturity came of this union, namely, Jean, Henry, Rachel, Jesse and Isaac. More than once, however, had death invaded their circle, taking little Israel and Philippe from their fond embrace. Yet having, for love to God, forsaken country and kindred, they could accept these painful visitations as the salutary chastenings of an All-wise Father, teaching them the lesson of resignation to His will, and inspiring a faith to look upward and beyond. Diligent also in his vocation, which had long ranked among the ‘Greater Arts,’ Jesse De Forest, in the [77] easy position of a master artisan, was one of a limited number having license from the magistrates "to dye serges and camlets in colors." It was a tribute to his skill; for only the most expert and approved dyers were thus preferred, as on the beauty and permanence of the colors so largely depended the reputation and success of the cloth trade of Leyden. Plying his useful art, daily earned an honest living. His home was near the Walloon church, at which he and his Marie loved to offer up their devotions to God in baptism.
"But Jesse De Forest had again fallen upon perilous times. Leyden was at this date rent by popular discords, which affected the whole country, but this city in particular. While the people of Holland were crushed and humbled by the Spanish war, and had to struggle for existence, they showed, as we have seen, the deepest sympathy for the victims of oppression who fled to their country for refuge. But once in the flush of enjoyment of peace and prosperity, and forgetful of their former trials, feelings of national pride prompted them to draw lines of social distinction, especially between themselves and the foreign population, insomuch that the refugees now began to be eyed with contempt, treated as inferiors, and often refused employment. This intolerant spirit was also fostered by the parties and feuds which had sprung up in church and state. The old dispute about predestination, which had arisen among the professors at the University, had proceeded from the schools into the pulpits, and the people readily took sides. Hence the controversy spread far and wide. The pastors of the various churches, as well as their flocks, became sorely at issue, many of both classes embracing the Arminian views; those holding these opinions being called Remonstrants. The famous Synod of Dort, convened November 13th, 1618, on account of these dissensions, remained in session for over six months, and handled the Arminian preachers with great severity. Its action being sustained by the government, a general crusade against the Remonstrants was instituted, and a large number of their ministers, men of undoubted talent and piety, were deposed and driven from the country. The Synod of South Holland, which met at Leyden in July following, though numbering but thirty ministers and ten elders, expelled about sixty Remonstrant preachers, who refused to subscribe to the cannons adopted by the Synod of Dort. Many of this proscribed sect left the country, a part of whom retired to Denmark, and by favor of [79, page 78 contains an illustration.] the Duke of Holstein, founded the town of Frederickstadt, in 1621, though, the troubles over, most of them returned to their native country.
"At Leyden, where prior to the Synod of Dort the new sect had gained a multitude of adherents, including some of the city magistrates, everything was now done to suppress them. Ejected from their churches, they met for worship in a private house, only to be driven out by a mob. …
"While these things were transpiring, there attended the Walloon church a young Frenchman, who was a boarder in the family of one Robert Botack, a shoemaker on the Voldersgraft, and who was studying medicine under the learned Heurnius at the University, where he had been registered as a student November 18th, 1619, in the Latin style, Johannes Monerius Montanus, or as in French, Jean Mousnier De La Montagne. His surname might betoken social rank, or, as already suggested, point to a [80] family origin in La Montagne, or both, yet without doubt connects him with the talented family of that name which became so distinguished in the fields of theology, medicine, and literature, during the sixteenth century. Himself, as before seen, a refuge from Saintonge, he was twenty-four years of age on entering the University. It was directly after the aforesaid change in the faculty had taken place, — a change much approved by the French families, who as Calvinists were opposed to the former regime; and which may have had its weight with Montagne in going thither, but more likely the better facilities afforded by a new edifice, with the other and peculiar advantages which
a membership conferred.* [Footnote: "Montagne’s age warrants the belief that he had finished a course of study elsewhere before coming to Leyden, and now attached himself to the University, as was a common practice, for professional improvement, as well as to secure other benefits and immunities which such connection conferred. All thus entering were termed students; and so Montagne was always enrolled ‘student of medicine,’ though his membership was three times severed and as often renewed in seventeen years."]
"The University building stood in the southwestern part of the city, upon the west side of the street and canal called the Rapenburg, where it was crossed by the Nun’s Bridge, upon the lane running east and west known as the Kloksteeg. The building (a very plain structure, formerly a cloister of the White Nuns), being nearly consumed by fire November 11, 1616, had been rebuilt with more elegance and better accommodations, and adorned with a spire and clock.
"From the eastern windows of the University, looking down the Kloksteeg, could often be seen a company of English dissenters, assembling for worship at the dwelling of their pastor, John Robinson, on the south side of the street, opposite St. Peter’s Church. Here were wont to gather the pious Carver, and Brewster, and Brewer, and Bradford, Winslow and Standish, and many others of the ‘Pilgrim Fathers,’ to receive the word of life, ‘enjoying,’ says one of them, ‘much sweet and delightful society and spiritual comfort together, in the ways of God.’ Many of these persons working at honest employments connected with the staple manufacture of the city, such as weavers, carders, dyers, etc., were almost as well known as was their pastor, Robinson, who was a constant visitor at the University, and a reader at the library, and who being ‘versed in the Dutch language,’ had ‘procured him much honor and respect,’ in the pulpit of St. Peter, by his defense of Calvinism in the recent discussions. And at the time Montagne entered the University, the affair of Brewer and his associate Brewster was in everyone’s mouth. These worthy men, in a room near [81] Robinson’s house, were engaged in printing religious books for the English dissenters. Being complained of by Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at the Hague, it devolved upon the University of which Brewer was a member to investigate the matter. The accused persons being exonerated, the affair was eclipsed by the graver agitations of the times; yet the fears which it excited gave spur to a movement now contemplated by the English congregation. …
"So remarkable an exodus, its preparation, object, and destination, being generally known throughout the city, had. its influence upon others, who like the former, ‘pilgrims,’ wearied and alarmed by the prevailing disorders, were casting about for a better home. It especially affected the French and Belgian refugees, to whom another cause of apprehension now presented itself. This was a threatened war with Spain, which, reviving gloomy recollections of former trials, set many to planning some way of escape from the dreaded atrocities of war, to which, they were likely to be again exposed. Hence the subject of a removal to America began to be agitated also among the Walloons at Leyden, whose numbers were now daily and largely increasing by the arrival of other refugees, impelled by their fears to leave the southern provinces; and many needed only the necessary means or guarantees of protection, etc., to induce them to emigrate. Of the number pledged to do so, were Jesse De Forest and has family, with two named Mousnier, or La Montague, kins- [82] men, one of whom was our Jean, ‘student of medicine,’ and the other an ‘apothecary and surgeon,’ like the former, single, and probably his brother.
"For many years efforts had been making in Holland, by the more wealthy Walloon and other Belgian residents, to organize a ‘West India Company,’ to open up a trade with America. During the truce with Spain this project had slumbered, but was revived on the prospect of a renewal of the war; the States-General being now ready to encourage the formation of the company, whose reprisals upon the settlements and commerce of the common enemy, by means of its armed vessels, would help to weaken his power.
"But the company met with various hindrances, even after obtaining its charter in 1621, not the least of which was the want of sufficient capital. … Therefore they resolved to apply to the English ambassador at the Hague in regard to emigrating to Virginia.
"Jesse De Forest, whose standing among the Walloons and interest in the enterprise, marked him as a suitable person to present a letter of inquiry in their behalf, had been full twenty years in Holland, and well understood the condition and needs of his countrymen, as also their peculiar views and aims in respect to this movement, upon which so much was depending. In an ably drawn communication to Sir Dudley Carleton, about the first of August, 1621, he asks whether His Majesty of England will permit fifty or sixty families, Walloons and French, all of the ‘Reformed religion, to settle in Virginia; will aid them with aa armed vessel to make the voyage; will guarantee them protection in their persons and religion; grant them land to cultivate, and allow them to form a town and enjoy various specified [83] rights and privileges pertaining to the soil and to a free community.* [Footnote: "De Forest’s letter, translated by Dr. O’Callaghan from the French copy in the Broadhead papers, is printed in ‘Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New York,’ vol iii, p. 9. The signature, as in the copy, is there erroneously printed Jose De Forest: see above, facsimile of the original autograph, from a tracing obligingly sent me by Mr. W. Noel Sainsbury, of Her Majesty’s State Paper Office, London."]
"These inquiries being forwarded to England, were referred by the king to the directors of the Virginia Company, who, on August l2th, 1621, gave ‘so fine an answer,’—in the words of a letter conveying the news to their agent in Virginia,— ‘as we consider they will resolve to go.’ But the Walloons thought otherwise, for as the company ‘were contented to receive them upon certain conditions,’ and these quite different from their own, and could promise no aid in the way of providing ships, it virtually amounted to a refusal.
["Jesse de forest – Autograph of Jesse de Forest, From an original of 1621, in the State paper Office, London."]
"Jesse De Forest continued his calling, and when the people of Leyden were registered for a poll-tax in the autumn of 1622, the dyer, with his family, numbering his wife and five children, and their maid-servant, Margariete Du Can, still lived on the Breedestraat, within the Almshouse Quarter. The great theme which had absorbed his mind,—America,—was nevertheless not forgotten. Anon this wish of his heart was to be realized, but in an unexpected way.
"The West India Company had so far succeeded in its organization, and in raising the necessary amount of capital, as to begin operations, through its board of managers, chosen September 17th, 1622. Under its patronage, and bound to a term of service, a company of Walloons, with their families, sailed for New Netherland early in the succeeding March; but De Forest and the Montagnes declined to accompany them, as did most of those who had subscribed to the Virginia project This was not the inviting plan of free colonization which De Forest had pro- [84] posed; and though the adventure was attractive for its very novelty, nothing probably but their necessities would have induced any of the Walloons to accept so tame a servitude, considering their natural aversion to restraint and love of personal freedom. A new purpose soon usurped his mind, – perhaps it had already,— and the fortunes of Jesse De Forest were to take a sudden turn.
"The lone ship dispatched with the Walloons, and other vessels sent out by the company soon after to the West Indies, were designed merely to secure possession, of the country, and to forestall the trade. The grand business in hand was the conquest of Brazil. Invested with the control of the Dutch possessions in Africa and America, with ample powers to trade with and colonize those countries, expel the Spaniards, and prey upon their commerce, the company now began the most extensive preparations to this end. The dockyards of Holland resounded with the noise of busy workmen, and loud was the call for seamen and soldiers to man the fleet. At length, a powerful armament was ready to sail. On December 21st and 22d, 1623, nineteen ships of war left the Texel and the Ems, with the Admiral Jacob Willekens, joined the next day by three more from the Maas, making twenty-two vessels of war destined to operate against the Spanish settlements in the West Indies and Brazil. This expedition, designed also to cripple the maritime power of Spain, and ultimately compel her, if not to yield her control of the Low Countries, at least to grant civil and religions rights to the inhabitants, and the restoration of their sequestered estates to the refugees, was in high favor with the Walloons, whose patriotism and martial spirit were aroused by this stirring call to arms. For some time Leyden had witnessed ‘nothing but beating of drums and preparing for war.’ Even the excellent Colonius, pastor of the Walloon church, had taken the field with Prince Maurice, the Stadtholder, against the Spaniards. And so Jesse De Forest, giving up his old occupation, enlisted in this grand naval expedition to Brazil. He had latterly occupied a house with his brother Gerard, on the Mare, a canal running north from the Rhine to the city gate called the Mare Port. Gerard was to continue the business, but was licensed only to dye in black. Appearing before the burgomasters, January 4, 1624, and stating that his brother Jesse had ‘lately departed with the vessels for the West Indies,’ he requested to be appointed in his stead to dye serges and camlets in colors, as the number of dyers engaged in this specialty would not thereby be increased. And his request was granted.
[85] "But here the veil drops over the career of our De Forest. The summer was not quite ended when the yacht De Vos brought news of Willekens’ success in Brazil, but no good news of De Forest. He seems either to have fallen at the siege of St. Salvador, or to have otherwise perished during that arduous service; for the fact of his decease soon became known to his family in Holland. The sad tidings, as it reached Leyden, that Jesse De Forest, the dyer, was dead, must have caused many an honest regret; but a deeper sorrow, within that small circle of bereaved hearts, the desolate widow and orphans, whose wants could no longer be met by his provident care. But the breach in the social circle caused by the departure of even so good and useful a man, — what was it in the grievous mortality which visited Leyden in the years 1624 and 1625? Years roll on; and those whom he left enjoy the fruits of his patient labor; but the voice of the lost husband and father comes back no more. Time buries alike his virtues and his foibles, and oblivion claims the memory of Jesse De Forest. Ah! not so; he still lives in his last ambitious adventure, to mould other destinies, which are yet in the unrevealed future.
"Near the time De Forest went abroad, our Jean La Montagne, latterly a boarder, with other ‘students, in the family of Thomas Cornelisz, on the Breedestraat, in Meat Market Row, is found to have quit the University. The coincidence, and at a juncture when physicians were needed for the fleet, almost forces the conviction that he too had joined the expedition. But perhaps he had merely retired from Leyden to avoid the plague, which, as intimated, made fearful ravages in that city in the two ensuing years. Leaving this to conjecture, as we must, it at least appears that, after having been gone for some time, Montagne returned to Leyden, and in order that he might continue his favorite studies, which had been interrupted by his absence, and also enjoy the various privileges of the University, which he seems to have valued very highly, was enrolled anew at that institution as a ‘student of medicine,’ July 7th, 1626. He had taken convenient lodgings with the widow De Forest, — now living on the Voldersgraft, the second street east of St. Peter’s Church, — whose only daughter, the fair Rachel, had already stolen his heart, and to whom, with the approval of the family, as signified by her uncle Gerard, who was present, Montagne was united m wedlock by the pastor of the Walloon Church, De- [86] cember 12th, 1626. Living so near to St. Peter’s, one of the principal churches in the city, it was here during the following year that they had the joy to present for baptism their little son, Jolant, their precious first-born, but alas! destined soon to be taken form them.
"Holland was now overflowing with people, all intent on making a livelihood, but ‘where one stiver was to be gained there were ten hands ready to receive it.’ Many, on that account, were leaving that country in search of other homes, where they might find better opportunities, and obtain a living more easily. The possessions of the Dutch in America, known as New Netherlaud, presented to such persons special advantages, and very alluring was the offer of the West India Company to grant each colonist as much land as he should be able to cultivate. So, while many of the sturdy sons of Holland were turning their faces thitherward, the subject was daily becoming of wider and more practical interest. …
[88] "The same year in which the Walloon college was founded, a child was born in the city of Leyden of Walloon parents, who being well-to-do, no doubt educated him in that school of learning. This was Henry De Forest, the son of Jesse, and the brother of Rachel. Bereft of his father while yet under age, he had looked to his uncle, Gerard, for needed counsel; and there is pleasing evidence that the relations of the uncle and nephew were intimate and confiding. Time, with rapid flight and many a change, had ushered in the year 1636. Henry was now of the mature age of thirty years; his brother Isaac, – an infant of four months when the bells rung for the great fire at the University, — had grown to be a young man of twenty; Jean, the eldest brother, a dyer by occupation, had recently taken a wife, and [89] was living at the Hoogewoert in Leyden; while Jesse, the other brother, was spoken of tenderly, — he was dead.
"Since that memorable day when the elder De Forest left the shores of Holland, never to return, his family had felt no common interest in all that related to America. The favorite theme of the social hour, it lent a fascination to their dreams. As seated around their smouldering turf fire they talked of the eventful past, and now of the flattering advantages to be enjoyed in New Netherland, — thought of the unwholesome air and prevalent agues of Leyden, and of the appalling scenes of the preceding year, when pestilence again, raged around them, and many thousands of their neighbors and townsmen were swept off by the plague, — the two brothers, Henry and Isaac De Forest, resolved to turn their backs upon Holland, for a venture in New Netherland. There the tobacco culture now assumed new importance, and promised large profits to those who should engage in it, owing to the late failure of that crop in Virginia, as reported by vessels which had returned the preceding fall from James River, mostly without cargoes. This then was their opportunity. Aided in their plans and preparations by their uncle Gerard, whose son. Crispin, it would seem, intended to make one of the emigrating party, their project doubtless had all the encouragement and support to be given it by their influential cousin Johannes Panhuysen, of Leyden, — mairied to a daughter of
Gerard De Forest, — who was then a director of the West India Company, and represented Leyden in the chamber at Amsterdam, in which office he had succeeded Johannes De Laet. The plan seemed complete when their only sister, Rachel, and her husband, Dr. La Montagne, agreed to go; the doctor, under assurances of some preferment there, deciding to give up his practice, and his associations and membership at the University, which but lately, — that is, on March 3d, 1636, — he had renewed, as also his old home on the Kloksteeg, where he had for some years lived, at the sign of the Queen of Bohemia."
+ "The winter had scarcely closed when their hearts were cheered by the arrival of Dr. La. Montague and his family. The voyage, as was not uncommon, had been long and tedious, occasioned by their taking a circuitous course by way of the Canary Islands, in order to reach the trade winds. They introduced a little stranger, Marie Montagne, born at sea off the Island of Madeira, January 26th, 1637, and called after its grandmother, De Forest. Montagne was a welcome and valuable addition to the colonists. Reputed skillful in his profession, he so soon rose in public favor that Governor Kieft, on his arrival, called him to a seat in his council, which appointment, if not by positive instructions from the directors, met with their approval." Page 126.
+ Henry De Forest died July 26, 1637. "As De Forest was childless, his estate fell to the widow and next of king. Dr. Montagne took charge of the plantation, and saw the ripening crops properly harvested. He also finished the house and barn, till which he boarded at the house of Van Curler. An account of his expenses while in charge of the farm affords us a bill of fare which might challenge the luxuries of a European table. Items ‘powder, shot, and balls’ suggest not only a care for their personal security, but as well the means of supplying their larder with savory venison, deer being so plentiful in the island as often to stroll within gun-shot of the farm house. …
[130] "Since Montagne took charge of the plantation he had expended over a thousand guilders, in paying claims against it, in completing the improvements, and for current expenses, as per his statement rendered to Dominie Bogardus July 23d, and which had been approved and taken to Holland. Wishing a settlement, he petitioned the council, September 16th, that Bogardus as administrator be required to assume the care of the farm and refund him the amount which he had advanced upon account of it. As Bogardus was not prepared to do this except by a sale of the property, the court at their next meeting thought best and so [131] decreed, that the plantation should be put up at public vendue in Fort Amsterdam, October 7th, ‘for the benefit of the widow,’ and that from the proceeds of the sale Bogardus should pay Montagne ‘such money as he had disbursed for the improvement of the bouwery.’ The sale taking place, the farm, with its fixtures, was struck off to Montagne for the sum of 1700 gl. Included were portions of the recent crops of tobacco and grain, two milch cows and other cattle, two goats, domestic fowls, farming tools, and a ‘wey schuyt’ or boat used by the farmers to bring salt hay from their meadow.
"But Montagne had now to meet a new vexation, for no sooner had the farmer changed owners that Tobias and Willem, refusing to work, applied to the council, October 14th, to be released from their engagement, as they were not hired by the defendant, but by his uncle. Montagne, however, ‘produces the contracts made between the plaintiffs and Gerard De Forest, from which it clearly appears that the plaintiffs are bound to serve said De Forest or his agent for three successive years after their arrival in New Netherland, and the defendant further exhibiting power and authority from the said De Forest to employ the plaintiffs in his service till the expiration of their bounded time; all this being considered, the plaintiffs are condemned to serve out their term with La Montagne without further objection, he promising to pay them the wages which shall be due them at the expiration of the said term.’ The secret of the dissatisfaction with Tobias, and which had caused him to vent a little Dutch spleen against his employer, would appear in his complaint to others that he had been stinted in his allowance of meat at Montagne’s house. But when put to the proof of this also before the court, he confessed to having wronged Montagne in what he had said, admitting ‘that he had his share of the beef as well as the plaintiff.’ Thus this trouble ended." Pages 129-131.
+ "Montagne had chose for his bouwery, – its air of sweet repose so in contrast with the turbulent scenes of his early life, – the name Vredenval, or Quiet Dale. Alas, he was to realize but little of the happiness which he anticipated in its possession and use! Tobias and Willem, his two farmers, having served out their time, were now to leave him, the former to occupy a bouwery near Papparinamin. A question arising as to some extra pay due them, under an agreement made before Montagne came, and to which Jacob Stoffelsen was privy, he being at that time ‘werkbass’ over the company’s negroes, who usually assisted in the heavy work on new bouweries, such as cutting palisades, clearing the land, etc., Stoffelsen testified ‘that in the year 1636 Henry De Forest promised to pay the said persons twenty florins annually for their improvements.’ Parties came to settlement march 5th, 1640, when Teunissen and Bont gave a receipt in full, acknowledging themselves to have been well treated and paid to their satisfaction by Mr. La Montagne during and for their three years’ service on the farm Vredendal.
"After a year’s absence Mr. and Mrs. Hudde returned to New Netherland, apparently in the Herring, which arrived here again July 7th, 1639 … Hudde now learned of the sale of the farm Vredenval and the defeat of his plan as a tobacco-planter. Some questions arose, as was natural, and for a full year the legal transfer of the property from Hudde to Montagne was delayed, though the latter had made the former payment upon it of 200 fl. July18th, soon after he arrived from Holland. But both parties finally came [135] to terms July 12th, 1640, and on August 28th ensuing Dr. Montagne received his deed." Pages 134-135.
+ "Sweet dreams of security, it was past! A mortal enmity was brewing between the white and the red man, in the face of every interest which should have bound them in friendship. Though the responsibility lay not with the colonist, but with the authorities, the effects fell heavily on the former. In 1639 Director Kieft was guilty of a most impolitic act, in attempting to levy a tax upon the several Indian tribes, sending his wily agent Tienhoven to demand their corn, furs, and sewant. The demand was indignantly spurned, and served only to arouse a hostile feeling toward the Dutch. Montagne’s prediction was well made when, seeing the folly of this measure, he said, ‘A bridge has been built, over which war will soon stalk through the land.’ Some petty depredations being committed soon after, which were, in part falsely, charged upon the Raritan Indians, the hotheaded Kieft dispatched a body of soldiers to demand satisfaction. They too well executed their mission by a wanton attack on the Indians, July 16th, 1640, killing several, and burning their maize.
"The next year, 1641, brought retaliation from the Raritans, who on September 1st, swept off the settlers upon Staten Island, while Manhattan Island was already smarting under the first stroke of savage vengeance." Page 138.
+ "And so, notwithstanding a malicious report which reach Holland, that Montagne ‘daily filled his pockets with [140] ducatoons and jacobuses,’ his pecuniary affairs really began to wear a discouraging aspect, his domestic horizon being also clouded just at this time by the loss of his wife." Pages 139-140.
+ In 1642, tension with surrounding tribes prompted Dutch officials to consider attacking nearby tribes. Jochem "Kuyter and other considerate persons opposed this stoutly, insisting that it would only recoil upon their own heads, bring disaster upon the country, and especially expose the out-plantations to the rage of a vindictive and cruel foe. Montagne, having just arrived from Quiet Dale, its stalls of cattle and full garners all endangered, urged his objections with unusual warmth. ‘We ought first to consider well,’ he insisted, ‘whether we shall be able to give protection to those who are living at a distance.’ But this pertinent suggestion was unheeded, evil counsels prevailed, and Kieft, set in his mad purpose, rashly issued orders. On the night of February 25th 1643, a party of Dutch soldiers sailed [142] forth from the streets of New Amsterdam and made a savage onslaught upon the sleeping Wickquaskeeks, a Curler’s Hook, forty of whom were massacred ‘in cold blood.’ Another party, crossing the Hudson, slaughtered a band which had sought refuge at Pavoinia. Nor did it stop here, for a day or two after several of the friendly Mareckaweeks were basely murdered.
"The enraged savages were not slow to resent such treatment, and several tribes joining hands made common cause against the Dutch. Issuing from the woods and thickets, they boldly attacked and slew the farmers, both in their dwellings and in the open field, put the firebrand to houses, haystacks, and grain, killed or drove away the stock, and carried off women and children into a painful captivity. …
"The bouweries of Montagne and Kuyter were also intact. [143] Buildings and stock well intrenched within palisades had escaped the general devastation. Montagne had already put twenty-six acres of rye, barley and peas, when, willing to be relieved of a charge so fraught with danger, he leased his bouwery, with the ‘farm-house,’ kitchen, out-houses, orchard, stock, and all as it stood, June 14th, to Bout Franssen, from Naerden, for the term of three years. In three months (September 22d), Franssen gave it up, for the Indians, having harvested their maize, began again their bloody work. Terrible scenes ensued. The settlers, compelled to fly, took refuge at Fort Amsterdam, to within sight of which the brutal savages tracked their victims. Montagne ‘was driven off his land,’ involving the loss of all he could not carry away; and scarcely a settler remained in the bouweries of Manhattan Island. …
"The question of self-preservation now pressed upon the colonists; to remain inactive was but to die. Their courage rising to the emergency, it was resolved to muster in every man able to bear arms, and to take the field with all their available force against the wily and powerful foe. Montagne and Kuyter, however, opposed at first to war, had now no alternative but to second the effort to conquer a peace. The former, appointed to the chief military command, led several expeditions sent out in various directions during the succeeding winter and spring, and in which Kuyter held the captaincy of a burgher company. These forces scourged the Indian country, driving the foe from his rude castles and villages with sword and firebrand." Pages 141-143.
+ "Dr. Montagne, with brightened prospects, and about to wed [150] the widow of Arent Corssen Stam, who two years previous, sailing for Holland on the public service, had perished at sea, took occasion, May 9th, 1647, only two days before his friend Kieft close his directorship, to secure a patent for the farm Vredendal, to which was now joined what was not included in the original grant to Hendrick De Forest, namely, the point or neck of land called Rechawanes, extending out of the East River, and since known as the Benson or McGown farm. As belonging to the oldest title in the township, and one to which an unusual interest attaches, we feel warranted in giving a translation of the patent entire.
"We, William Kieft, Director General, and the Council, residing in New Netherland, and on behalf of the High and Mighty Lords the States General of the United Netherlands, his Highness of Orange, and the Honorable Messeurs, the Managers of the Incorporated West India Company, do by these presents, acknowledge and declare, that we on this day, the date underwritten, have given and granted unto Sieur Johannes La Montagne, counselor of New Netherland, apiece of land situate on the Island of Manhattan, known by a name in the Indian language which in the Nether Dutch signifies the Flat Land, containing one hundred morgen in the flat, laying between the hills and kill; and a point named Rechawanes, stretching betwixt two kills, till to the East River; (which above described land was occupied by Hendrick Forest deceased, and has been purchased by the said La Montagne at public auction in the Fort, for seventeen hundred guilders;) with express condition and terms that he Johannes La Montagne, or whoever by virtue hereof may accept his action, shall acknowledge the Honorable Managers aforesaid as his Lords and Patroons, under the sovereignty of their High Mightinesses the Lords States General, and obey their Director and Council here in all things, as good inhabitants are in duty bound to do; provided further that they subject themselves to all such burdens and imposts as are already enacted, or may hereafter be enacted by their Honors; constituting therefore the said Sieur La Montagne, or whoever may hereafter obtain his action, in our stead in real and actual possession of the aforesaid lot and land, giving him by these presents, full power, authority and special order, the aforesaid parcel of land to enter upon, cultivate, inhabit and use as he would lawfully do with other his patrimonial lands and effects, without we the grantors in the quality aforesaid, thereunto having, reserving or saving any, even the slightest part, action or control whatever, but to the behoof as aforesaid, from all desisting, form now henceforth and forever. Promising moreover, this transport firm, inviolable and irrevocable to keep, respect and fulfil, all under the penalty provided therefor by law. In witness, there presents are by us signed and confirmed with our seal in red wax hereto appended. Done in Fort Amsterdam, in New Netherland, the 9th day of May, 1647. Willem Kieft." Pages 149-150.
+ In May 1652, four Dutchmen were killed by Native Americans and "Kuyter, Beeckman and others were threatened to have their bouweries burned, should no satisfaction be given. Montagne was otherwise embarrassed. Heavily indebted to the company and burdened with a large family, he was dependent upon the director or government for a meager support, and had no means to expend on his deserted plantation. Many persons who would have undertaken new bouweries were kept from doing so ‘through dreat of the Indians and their threats.’" Page 159.
+ "An interesting period in our history is that which gave origin to the village of Harlem. This inviting section of Manhattan was to be people and cultivated; but by some new and more efficient mode than that already tried, fruitful only in unrequited labor, the waste of property, and the loss of precious lives. It could only be done by the direct aid of government. The farm owners were nearly all dead; their estates insolvent. La Montagne and Swits, having had large advances from the public stores to supply the wants of their families, were deeply indebted to the company; Swits in the sum of seven hundred guilders, to satisfy which, with ‘other debts,’ he left nothing but his ruined bouwery. Dr. La Montagne, as early as 1652, was reputed to be owing the company ‘several thousand guilders.’ As Vice-Director, his salary of six hundred florins, with an extra allowance for board of two hundred florins per annum (increased in 1659 to three hundred), proving inadequate to his support, things had gone from bad to worse, and were fast tending to that crisis in his affairs which, in 1662, wrung from him the touching admission to Stuyvesant, that he had not the means of providing bread for his family, and being sixty-eight years of age, was reduced to penury and want." Page 167.
+ When the first lots for the village of Harlem were laid out, "the Vredendal or Montagne farm was not as yet included; in fact, it was held that ‘it could not be thence conveniently cultivated, being over a kill.’" Page 169.
+ "It had been contemplated to build a tide mill and dame upon Montage’s Kill, and many thought the time come to act upon it. Dutch arguments, capacious stomachs and good appetites, yet the effort spent itself in fluent talk and foaming beakers; and it was not undertaken till done by the energy and capital of a distinguished stranger.
"But out of the mill question while yet rife, and the demand for additional homes and bouweries to supply the newly-arriving colonists, grew another plausible project. The farm Vredendal, stretching along the stream aforesaid, and still owned by Dr. Montagne, had lain for some years unused, except as cattle and goats browsed in its deserted clearings and woodlands. The Montagne family now proposed to occupy it, as is set forth in the following petition to the Director and Council, July 4th, 1661: To the Noble, Great and Worshipful, the Director-General and High Council in New Netherland: Represent with due respect, John De La Montagne, Junior, Jacob Kip, who married the daughter of La Montagne, Senior, and William De La Montagne, for themselves and in behalf of the absent heirs, the true proprietors, pursuant to the letters patent, of the land lying back of New Harlem, called Vredendal, or commonly, Montagne’s Land, to your Honors well known; how that they the peti- [182] tioners are willing and included to take possession of their land, which is situated nearly a mile (een quartier vergaens) from New Harlem. And whereas from there it cannot be conveniently cultivated, lying beyond a kill, whereon it time a water-mill for the use of the said village can, and as they are now informed, is actually to be made; and whereas they the petitioners, – for whose greater convenience it will not only serve, in the cultivation of their lands there, but will be fore the better protection of the village of New Harlem, as for the benefit of the sail mill, and also afford a resting place for strangers, whether they have lost their way, or be looking for their cattle, or others, – are included to form there a concentration of six, eight or ten families, to remain under the jurisdiction of New Harlem, in a similar manner as this has been granted by your Honors to others; they therefore with all respect petition that they may be allowed to establish such concentration there, either on the point of the flat land, opposite the place where the mill is to be built, on the heights near the spring (fonteyn) or otherwise wherever your Honors may deem most proper, within the jurisdiction of New Harlem; which, if your Honors are pleased to permit, they promise to settle there before the next winter, six, eight or ten families. Praying your Honors’ favorable consideration of this request we remain your Honors’ servants, La Montagne, Junior. Jacob Kip. Willem De La Montagne.
"To this came the following negative: ‘The request is dismissed, because it is tending to the great prejudice and retarding of the village of Harlem; and is also contrary to the privileges granted said village some years ago.’ Though he does not expressly say it, we doubt not the Direct or, even then, had his own purpose in regard to the Montagne lands; to be made manifest in due time, and that not far distant." Pages 181-2.
+ In September 1661, officials sought to encourage settlement in the Harlem area. They ordered that all properties be resurveyed and new patents be obtained. "The magistrates and freeholders having canvassed the matter and laid it before Gov. Stuyvesant, he gave his assent to the following measures, looking to further distribution of land, an din connection therewith, to some convenient changes in the old lots. Discarding the former groundbriefs, Van Keulen’s Hook and Montagne’s Flat were to be laid off into lots and distributed among the freeholds. It was agreed that John La Montagne should hold the Point, as having belonged to his father, and take his full allotment there, by throwing up his lot No.1, on Jochem Pieters; and as a special immunity should enjoy the Point free form any future demands in the way of town tax. He was to conform to the town regulation against building upon the bouwlots, and was not to build or live upon the Point till the town saw fit to allow it." Page 185.
+ "However thwarted were the Montagnes in their plans respecting Vredendal, they yielded gracefully to the alternative which secured to John La Montagne, the doctor’s eldest son, that part of the property called the Point, of which his father was the original grantee, but surrendered the Flat to the government, to be parceled out to such of the people of Harlem as still wanted more land, and upon terms which, though not stated, probably did not differ from those of the previous allotments, [189] but without doubt looking to a liquidation of the large debt due from Dr. Montagne to the company. While John La Montagne was to remain the possessor of the Point, which was rated at sixteen morgen, it was open to his brother William (we think then engaged to succeed Zyperus as schoolmaster, and hence usually styled by his brother ‘Meester Willem.’), if he should become a freeholder, in same manner as others, by the purchase of the usual allotment, to draw with them his proportionate share of the Flat, enough to give him likewise sixteen morgen. It was clearly a compromise regarding Vredendal, arranged, as it could only be, with the sanction and order of the Director and Council; and the correspondence which at this time these were having with Dr. Montagne respecting his long-standing indebtedness to the company, and for which they strongly censured him, shows that their action as aforesaid was a stern." Pages 188-189.
+ Montagne’s Flat was "laid out into parcels of from four to six morgen each, by an actual survey; running in narrow strips from the little creek due west to the [191] hills, originally some twelve lots, and numbered from south to north. As near as can be told, the first owners were Nicholas De Meyer, Lubbert Gerritsen, William De La Montagne, Simon De Ruine, Derick Claesen, Do. Zyperus, Jean Le Roy, Jacques Cousseau, and Daniel Tourneur. … Montagne had lot No. 4, being six and a half morgen, he having met the required conditions by purchasing, April 7th 1662, from Jan De Pre, who had advertised to sell the same at auction, his ‘house, house-lot (erf), garden, and land,’ – the land being No. 7 Jochem Pieters. Lot 19, Van Keulen’s Hook, also made part of this allotment. But after a temporary residence, Montagne sold out to his brother, John, and returned to Albany, whence he removed to Esopus, married, and was long the parish clerk. Had we not other evidence of this alienation of Montagne’s Flat, the bare fact that while Dr. Montagne and his sons were yet living these lands are found divided up, and in the possession of several others of the Harlem people, nearly all holding under special patents from the Governors Stuyvesant, Nicolls and Lovelace, is evidence prima facie that the title had passed from the original owners; a conclusion which none may now gainsay, without ignoring the official acts of the government in issuing of these patents." Pages 190-191.
+ "On this date, the 7th of April Ao 1662, have agreed and bargained, Jan De Pre, on the one side, and Wilhelm Montagnie on the other, in relation to, and over the sale of his allotment bought of Simon Lane, one the following conditions. Jan De Pre acknowledges to have sold his house and house lot, land and garden, all that is fast by earth and nail, to Wilhelm Montagnie, for one Cow and Fifteen Guilders in sewant, the which he acknowledges to have received. The purchaser shall be held to pay the morgen money and the survey money. This all so done, and have with our hands subscribed. Dated as above. Jan De Pre. Willem De La Montagne. Witness, M. Zyperus. Ao 1662." Page 192.
+ In 1664, the Dutch surrendered New Netherland to the English. "Jan La Montagne was much disaffected by the change of government, and while his [212] father and brother, William, both living at Albany, accepted the issue and took the oath of allegiance, he, with the tie of a native-born Hollander, which neither of the former could boast, made haste to dispose of his property, with a view no doubt to quitting the town or country, as many were doing. On October 22d, 1664, he sold to the partners Jan Myndertsen and Johannes Smedes, his ‘piece of land, and meadow belonging thereunto, called by the name Montagne’s Point, paled in betwixt two creeks, according as the bill of sale doth mention,’ for 800 gl., wampum, to be paid by installments." Pages 211-212.
+ "THE MONTANYE FAMILY [Footnote: We cannot follow here the various spelling of this name which occur, but observe the form Montanye, as most accordant with modern usage, and with its original, the Latin Mons, in French Montagne, Mountain; see page 48. The change of the o, in some branches, to a and I, seems unfortunate. After he came to this county, Dr. Montanye, previously signing his name ‘Mousnier de La Montagne,’ invariably write it ‘La Montagne,’ omitting his family name Mousnier or Monier, which however, was sometimes used by all his sons, and even grandsons, before it was finally dropped. (See pp. 79, 591.)]
"Dr. Johannes La Montagne, prominent in the affairs of New Netherland, has a relatively important place in Harlem history, as is set forth in the preceding pages. We give briefly the sequel of his life; then notice his descendants. Derick Corssen Stam, supercargo in the vessel which brought the De Forests over, had a brother Arent, whose widow, Agnes, a daughter of Gillis Ten Waert, was wooed by the Doctor, after the death of his wife, Rachel De Forest. As Arent had been lost at sea (see page 150), it proved an obstacle to their union, but this was overcome, as is shown by the following proceeding of July 18, 1647: ‘Mr. Johannes La Montagne appeared before the council, and requested leave to marry Angenietie Gillis Ten Waert, widow of Arent Corssen. Being fully persuaded that he perished, as the Lords Directors have written, that they had left nothing untried to learn about him, but were entirely ignorant of his fate; therefore if Mr. La Montagne, and she Angenietie, have no scruples regarding it, they are at liberty to marry.’ Two months later they were married.
"Montanye was commended for his discreet rule as vice-director at Fort Orange, which lasted till 1664; much of his official correspondence with Stuyvesant is preserved. He prudently swore allegiance to his new government, but from this date is lost sight of, and probably accompanied his old friend Stuyvesant on his errand to Holland in 1665, to defend his course in surrendering the country to the English. There is reason to conclude that Dr. Montanye died abroad in 1670. He had eight children, viz., Jolant, born 1627; Jesse, 1629; John, 1632; Rachel, 1634; Maria, 1637; William, 1641; Gillis, 1650, and Jesse, 1653. The last two died young, as had Jolant. The first Jesse was commissary of stores, 1647, but died soon after. Rachel married Dr. Gysbert Van Imbroch, and Maria married Jacob Kip, whose descendants have been locally prominent.
"William Montanye (he styled himself De La Montagne) joined the church in New Amsterdam October 2, 1661, when he came to Harlem. Called to be a voorleser at Esopus, he held that office till 1678; from 1668 adding the duties of secretary. He married May 19, 1673, Elenora, daughter of Anthony De Hooges, and that year drew 300 guilders from the Orphan Chamber, at Leyden (whence derived is left to conjecture); to obtain which he chose as guardians his cousins, Panhuysen and Du Toict, the sons-in-law of Gerard De Forest. Leisler made him high sheriff of Ulster County, December 24, 1689. He had removed to Mombackus, town of Rochester, and was living 1695. His children were Rachel, born 1674, who married Harmen Decker; Johanna, 1676, living 1699; William, 1678; Maria, 1680, married Nicholas Westfall; Johannes, 1682; Jesse, 1684; Eve, 1686, married Derick Krom, and Catharine, 1688, who married John Bevier. Ulster County records are strange silent as to William’s sons.
"John Montaye was born at Leyden and first appears as Jean Monier De La Montagne, Jr., later as Jan La Montagne, Jr. …" [Footnote: Orphan records – This item provides a different translation of the record from "New York Historical Manuscripts: Dutch; Kingston Papers," Vol. 2, pages 733-734.] Page 784-785.

"The History of The City of Albany, New York," by Arthur J. Weise, E.H. Bender, Albany, N.Y., 1884
+ "In midsummer 1645, Director Kieft to obtain pledge of amity from the Indiana of New Netherland visited Fort Orange to renew the former treaties made with the Mohawks and the other Wilden of the surrounding country. While the different conferences with the chiefs of the tribes detained the director-general at the fort, the following incident related by Van der Donck occurred: "It happened on a certain morning that the Indian interpreter lodging in the director’s house came down stairs [80] and in the presence of the director and myself sat down and began to streak and paint his face. The director observed the application of the paint and. requested me to inquire of the Indian the name of the snhstanoe he was using. He handed it to me and I passed it to the director, who carefully examined, it and inferred from its weight and its greasy and shining appearance that it contained some valuable metal. I bargained with the Indian for it to ascertain its composition. We experimented with it according to the best of our knowledge, and gave it to be assayed to an expert doctor of medicine, named Johannes La Montagne of the council of New Netherland. The mineral was put into a crucible and placed in the fire and after it had been in the fire long enough (according to my opinion) it was taken out, when it yielded two pieces of gold worth about three guilders. This assay was kept a secret. After the treaty of peace was made, an officer and several men were sent to the mountain. to which the Indian guided them for a quantity of the mineral. They returned with about a bucketful intermingled with stones. * * * Experiments were made with this quantity, which proved, as good as the first." The director-general desired to send a small quantity of it to the Netherlands, and dispatched a man named Arent Corsen, with a bag containing the mineral, to New Haven, who took passage in an English ship about to sail to England, whence he was to proceed to Holland. This vessel sailed at Christmas and was lost at sea. "The director-general, William Kieft, sailed from New Netherland for the Netherlands in the year 1647 on board the Princess, taking with him specimens of the assayed mineral and of several others. This ship was also lost." [Footnote: "Beschrijvinge van Nieuw Noderlant door Adriaen van der Donck. Coll. N.Y. Historical Soc. Second series. Vol. i. pp. 161, 162."] Pages 79-80.
+ [Page 111] "The aggressive belligerence of the Mohawks a not infrequently endangered the safety of their palisaded villages. In June, 1657, the fear of an assault by the
warriors of the Seneca nation caused the Mohawks to send a number of their sachems or chiefs to Fort Orange to ask Vice-director La Montagne* ‘to accommodate them with a few horses and to haul palisades from the woods to repair their castles, ‘ and to shelter their wives and children in the village of Beverswyek ‘should they go to war with the Sinnekes. ‘ They further desired their Dutch friends to ‘assist each of their palisaded villages with a cannon, ‘ and to haul the cannon from the fort to the flats, ‘a distance of eight miles, ‘ for, as was said by the chiefs, the three villages belonged to the same tribe, and they were bound to help one another in time of need, which could be dome only with difficulty if they had no cannon to alarm them in time of distress. The answer of the magistrates to the first request of the Mohawk chiefs was ‘that they had no horses of theirr own, but if they wished to hire a number of horses then the court would try to induce some of the inhabitants to help them. ‘ They also told them that they were willing to take care of their wives and children for the sake of their old friendship, but hoped that it would not be necessary. In answer to the request for cannon, the officers of the court informed the sachems ‘that the cannon did not belong to them, but to their chief, ‘ who had given them for the defense of the fort, so that they could not give them away nor lend them without his consent, but that they would write to the director-general and await his answer.’* [Footnotes: "Johannes de la Montagne was appointed vice-director September 28, 1658, and held the office until October, 1664." "Doc. Hist. N.Y. vol. xiii. Pp 72, 73.]
The Mohawks in their predatory forays along the [112] borders of Canada had so often reduced to ashes the dwellings and barns of the toiling settlers and had so repeatedly massacred and subjected to cruel captivities the unprotected inhabitants of the wide territory, that the French determined to revenge themselves upon their crafty. ruthless, and bloody-minded enemy. Early in the fall of 1659 the Mohawks began to be alarmed by the intimations that the maltreated French intended to invade their country. Aware of the exposed condition of their villages they sent a delegation of their chiefs to Fort Orange again to ask their Dutch friends to assist the tribe in planting palisades and to mend the unserviceable muskets of their warriors. …
[113] "The importuning chiefs were told by the Dutch officials that they could not take any action in answer to their requests until the same were made known to the director-general. After the Wilden had departed it was determined that a number of the principal men of Beverswyck and Rensselaerswyck should visit the disquieted Mohawks, at their first village, called Kaghnuwage, about forty miles west of Fort Orange. …
[116] "At the close of the conference a letter was received from Vice-director la Montagne, informing the commissioners that some of the River Indiana had attacked the settlers at Esopus, and had burned their dwellings, barns, and grain. When this information was given to the Mohawks they with one accord declared that should any of the Esopus or other River Indians come to them with presents and ask them to fight against the Dutch that they would kick them and say: "Begone you beasts, you. pigs, depart from us, we will have nothing to do with you." Satisfied that the Mohawks would faith- [117] fully honor their renewed covenants of friendship and amity, the delegates returned to Fort Orange on the twenty-fifth of September.
"The hostile attitude of the River Indians filled the minds of the people of Beverswyck and Rensselaerswyck with many disturbing apprehensions of impending evil. Ignorant of the designs of the savages the inhabitants of Beverswyck determined to inclose the village with a fence of planks and palisades. The alarmed people vigorously prosecuted this undertaking, and in the spring of 1660 completed the defensive works (deffentie). …
[118] "When summer came the fears of the settlers respecting an attach from the River Indians were quieted by a treaty of peace made on the fifteenth of July, at Esopus,
with the chiefs of the disaffected savages.
"The active competition to obtain peltry from the Indians led many of the traders and settlers to employ a class of middle-men called boschloopers (wood-runners) to frequent the trails and villages of the Wilden. These Unscrupulous agents used all the means at their command to induce the Indians to sell their peltry to them. Watched, intercepted, importuned, pulled about and maltreated, the harassed Indians began to complain to the Dutch authorities, declaring that whenever any one of their number was seen with a beaver-skin he was immediately surrounded by ten or twelve runners, each of whom did his best to get him into his possession by taking hold of him and saying, ‘Come with me, that and that person haa nothing to buy furs with,’ and that at such times they were often kicked, cuffed and thrown down by the contending competitors. The court, therefore, published a placard prohibiting the employment of runners and forbidding the settlers to lure Indians having peltry to their houses. On the publication of this order eighty of the inhabitants of Beverswyck petitioned the magistrates to rescind it, asserting that those who favored it were ‘a few individuals who, swayed by an inordinate love of money and jealousy in trade, imagined to improve it in this manner’ …
[119] "The magistrates complied and rescinded the restrictive resolution, ‘protesting meanwhile to be innocent of any calamities ‘that might befall the people’ …"
+ "While the people of the southern part of New Netherland were discussing the probable action of the West India Company to redress the grievances of which they complained, the settlers of Beverswyck and Rensselaerswyck were in great dismay on account of the rapid ravages of the small-pox. Vaccination was unknown, and the epidemic was widespread. In Beverswyck every family was afflicted with the ‘foul, putrid disease.’ The block-house church bell daily tolled the death of the victims of the virulent infection. A thousand Indians of the tribes of the northern part of New Netherland died with the loathsome disease." [Footnote: "Vice-director La Montagne thus speaks of the virulent disease in a letter dated Fort Orange, November 4, 1663: ‘You have heard, no doubt, of this place as respects the small-pox, which is still daily increasing. I learned yesterday that on the hill fifteen persons were so affected by the disease that they could not afford any relief to one another. At Willem Teller’s severn are afflicted with it, and six in my family, my negro being the last. Twelve persons have died within eight days, chiefly children. The Lord God help us and stop its further progress, and save you all from such a foul, putrid disease.’ – Albany records. vol. vi. fol. 409."] Page 132.
+ [135] "New Netherland bad been coveted for a long time by the English. They bad early claimed its territory by the right of its assumed discovery by the Cabots. They affirmed that it was a part of the country granted in 1584 to Sir Walter Raleigh by Queen Elizabeth. … Therefore it was not strange that Charles II, king of England was influenced by such arguments [136] as these and by other considerations to grant, on the twelfth of March, 1664, to his brother James, duke of York and Albany, all the territory of New England and ‘all that Islands or Islands commonly called by the several name or names of Matowacks or Long Island,’ and the ‘River called Hudson’s River, and all the land from the West side of Connectticut to the east side of Delaware Bay;’ nor was it unnatural for Charles II to provide his brother with four men-of-war and a force of four hundred and fifty men under the command of Colonel Richard Nicolls to take possession of the territory of New Netherland.
"The first information received by the director-general and council of New Netherland respecting the fitting out and sailing of the English fleet was brought from Boston. Orders were at once given to put Fort Amsterdam in a defensible condition, and spies were sent to different places to gather further intelligence of the designs of the English. As soon as Director Stuyvesant conceived that the city of New Amsterdam would likely be the first place to he attacked, he wrote, on the eighth of July, to Vice-director La Montague and Jeremias van Rensselaer, saying:
" ‘These few lines only serve to communicate the information furnished to-day by different persons concerning the English frigates that have so long been spoken of. That they have already put to sea and are manned and armed as was admitted and confirmed is
beyond a doubt, but their destination is still mere report as the inclosed information implies, yet from the circumstances it may he presumed without difficulty that they might indeed come directly here to this river. We have thought it necessary to give your honor and those of the [137] colony of Rensselaerswyck speedy notice and knowledge thereof, to the end that you and we may be on our guard and prepare for all possible resistance, and as it is apparent that this place may bear the first and. The severest; shock, and if lost, little hope would remain for the rest, we would therefore earnestly recommend you, with all possible speed, according to the promise given at the general assembly, to furnish such assistance, especially powder and lead, as circumstances may in any way permit, the sooner the better, for the need is pressing.
"At the same time we would recommend and pray you to negotiate a loan of five or six thousand guilders in wampum for the honorable company, and to send it down by the first opportunity to pay the laboring people. The obligations you may be assured will be repaid satisfactorily, either in negroes or other commodities, in case the gracious God, as we hope and wish, will grant a favorable result.’ [Footnote: "Albany records. vol. xx. fol. 377; vol. xxii. fol. 271-273, 276. Hol. doc. vol. xi. fol. 219, 221, 236-239; vol. xii. 92-96, 117-119."]
"Meanwhile the bloody tide of Indian warfare was deepening around Beverswyck and Rensselaerswyck. In June a number of Mohawks had been treacherously murdered by a party of Abenaquis. On the twelfth of July, several Chiefs of the River Indians informed the authorities at Fort Orange that this massacre of the Maquaas had been instigated by the English. …
[138] "The Mohegans, or Mahikanders as they were called by the Dutch, seemingly followed the instructions of the English, for they became quite hostile. …"
[139] However, the director general and council’s fears of war "had been allayed by later dispatches from the directors of the Amsterdam chamber of the West India Company. They were told that soon there would be an amicable adjustment of the differences so long existing between the English and the Dutch concerning the boundary lines of the province … Persuaded that there were no legitimate grounds for the alarming reports that had been circulated among the people of New Netherland, the director-general, on the last day of July, went on board of a vessel and sailed for [140] Fort Orange. Several weeks afterward the citizens of New Amsterdam m great amazement heard that a part of the English fleet had arrived at Boston, and that their city would soon be in the possession of the duke of York and Albany. All business was at once suspended. The excited people loudly censured the director-general for leaving the city. A messenger was immediately sent to Fort Orange to inform him of the direful condition of affairs in New Amsterdam. On Friday, the twenty-ninth of August, four days after his return to the seat of government, Director Stuyvesant wrote to the authorities of Fort Orange and of Rensselaerswyck: ‘My leaving you was painful on account of my indisposition; more painful and troublesome were my return and arrival here on last Monday, on account of the report respecting the four English frigates, one of which showed herself, the next day, Tuesday, in the bay, near Sandy Hook. …
[141] "It is desired, and, indeed, it is most necessary that your honors should assist us with some aid in men and powder, in case any hope or means remain of transporting and bringing them here in season and safety.’
"Vice-director La Montagne and Jeremias van Renssselaer in reply, wrote as follows, on the twenty-ninth of August:
" ‘Right honorable general:
" ‘We are pleased to learn from your honor’s letter of the twenty-ninth of August of your arrival, but the unexpected hostile appearance of the English and the threatening concourse of evil-disposed neighbors belonging to their nation in this country are strange occurrences to us.
" ‘We have done our duty conformably to your honor’s letters, the particulars of which we dare not commit to writing before and until we have farther and more reliable information concerning what has happened. To our surprise we do not find the inclosure of which your honor wrote.
" ‘Meanwhile, at the request of some travelers, whose homes are at the Manhattans, we have consented to their departure in a sloop from this place thither. And herewith hoping for every thing we shall conclude, and after hearty greeting commend your honor to God’s mercy.’
"On the thirtieth of August, Colonel Richard Nicolls, commanding the English fleet, at anchor in Nyack Bay, demanded the surrender of New Amsterdam. After a futile attempt to convince the British officer in a written protest that England had no right to the possession of New Netherland, Director Stuyvesant finally but reluctantly signed, on the eighth of September, the articles of surrender, drawn up and signed by the Dutch and English commissioners, on Saturday, the sixth of September.
[142] "As soon as the articles received the signature of Colonel Nicolls and the director-general and council of New Netherland, Johannes de Decker took passage in a vessel sailing to Fort Orange, where, on his arrival, he under- [143 – much of pages 142, 143 and 144 is taken up with a huge footnote containing the text of the articles] took to incite the garrison and the people of Beverswyck and Rensselaerswyck to resist the English when they came to demand the surrender of the fort. After taking possession of the city of New Amsterdam and Fort Amsterdam, on Monday the eighth of September, and respectively calling them New York and Fort James, Governor Nicolls sent, on the following Wednesday, Colonel [144] George Cartwright, Captains John Manning and Daniel Brodhead, with a small body of soldiers to Fort Orange. Colonel Cartwright carried with him the following letter" claiming the area for England.
[145] "Vice-director La Montagne, when the order of Governor Nicolls was presented to him, quietly surrendered Fort Orange to Colonel Cartwright on the twenty-fourth of September. In honor of the lord-proprietor of the province, the name of the village of Beverswyck and that of the fort were changed to Albany."